WORMSCAN: MENA1 [PART 1]

Mena, Arkansas, base of CIA drug importation.

NOTES: I made a few corrections to spellings and grammar.

Something else to note. I am no longer editing out the address of David P Beiter. It is an address of a place that doesn’t exist. As if his identity weren’t shrouded in mystery already.

MENA1
By David P Beiter
[REPRINTED WITH PERMISSION]

Date: Sun Nov 12, 1995 2:22 pm CST
From: snet l
                 EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414
                 MBX: snet-l@world.std.com

TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762
Subject: Clinton body count — summary

-- Area : AEN CHAT -----------------------------------------( M-BOARD.FR2 )----
Msg# 21534 Loc Date: 11-04-95 07:46
From: William Kuehne Read: No Replied: No
To: All Mark:
Subj: Bill Clinton's death count
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The following excerpts are from copyrighted material and are posted here without permission.

My comments in [brackets].
Begin excerpts:

[text omitted]

With the release of this report, I may be the #1 target of a group of very short-tempered gentlemen who have thus far dispatched [at least] 21 people who were an embarrassment to their friend Bill Clinton. All of the 21 knew a bit too much about Whitewater or Troopergate or Cattlegate or some other Clinton scandal. In some ways, I know more than they did. I spent 20 years in Arkansas, and I personally knew Clinton, Jim Blair, Vince Foster, Jim McDougal, David Hale, Don Tyson, Governor Tucker, and dozens more of that bunch. Some of the dead probably died by accident. But it's silly to pretend they all did. For example:

Victim 1: On September 26, 1993, Luther "Jerry" Parks enjoyed a nice dinner at a Mexican restaurant in Little Rock. On the way home, his car was forced to a stop and he was mowed down by unfriendlies with nine-millimeter semiautomatic pistols.

[text omitted]

Jerry was the owner of American Contract Services, which supplied the guards for Clinton's presidential campaign and transition headquarters (Clinton still owed him $81,000) so he knew a lot about Clinton's comings and goings. As a matter of fact, Jerry had quietly been compiling a major study of Clinton's sexual affairs for about six years. Not quietly enough though. Shortly before his demise, his home was broken into and the study's backup files — filled with photos and names — were stolen, according to his widow, Jane, after the security alarm was skillfully cut.

[text omitted]

After a long investigation, Little Rock police detective Sergeant Clyde Steelman gave his character endorsement, "The Parks family aren't lying to you."

Victim 2: You must understand the central fact about the Whitewater Development Corporation: It was not the main crime. Whitewater was only a pretext set up by Jim McDougal and the Clintons to milk millions of dollars from the SBA [Small Business Administration], banks, Arkansas Development Finance Authority [ADFA], and Madison Guaranty Savings and Loan. The Resolution Trust Corporation [RTC] people eventually figured out that their investigation of Madison wasn't getting anywhere because it was based in Kansas City, where Clinton's people stymied it. So Jon Parnell Walker, a Senior Investigation Specialist in the RTC's Washington [D.C.] office, began a campaign to get the case moved to DC. Soon after, Jon was looking over a possible new apartment in Lincoln Towers in Arlington, Virginia, when reportedly he suddenly decided to climb over the balcony railing and jump.

Victim 3: You remember the name Danny Ferguson. He is the Arkansas patrolman who once said he brought Paula Jones to Bill Clinton's hotel room. Kathy, 38, his wife at the time, blabbed a lot about such things. She often told friends and coworkers about how Bill had gotten Danny to bring women to him and stand watch while they had sex.

[text omitted]

Kathy told people that Bill was really mad when Paula Jones wouldn't "put out." Bill hates to be refused. On May 10 [year?], Kathy was found dead with a pistol in her hand. A suicide, the police said.

[text omitted]

Footnote to story: About three weeks later, Danny reversed his story, saying he didn't lead Paula to Clinton's room after all. Second footnote: Bill Shelton, Kathy's new boyfriend since her separation from Danny, was loudly critical of the suicide story and complained to many people about it. Bill was found dead on June 9. They're calling this a suicide, too.

Victim 4: Vincent Foster, who was Clinton's counsel for Whitewater, was the highest government official to meet an untimely death since the Kennedys. He could have killed himself on July 20, 1993, Robert Fiske, Clinton's "independent" counsel claimed. But it's rather doubtful. The story line concocted by Fiske has about 20 major holes in it, which partly explains his replacement by Kenneth Starr.

[This section was to long to type!]

Victim 5 & 6: Then you have the small-plane crashes, which are fairly easy events to stage.

[text omitted]

[...] C. Victor Raiser II, the former finance co-chairman of Clinton's presidential campaign, and his son, Montgomery. Their plane crashed in good weather near Anchorage, Alaska, on July 30, 1992.

Victim 7: Herschel Friday was another member of Raiser's committee and a heck of a nice guy. His plane dropped out of sight and exploded as he approached his own private landing strip in Arkansas in a light drizzle on March 1, 1994. Herschel was a top-notch pilot and his strip is better than those in most

cities. [...]

Victim 8: Just two days later, Dr. Ronald Rogers, a very vocal dentist from Royal, Arkansas, was on his way to reveal some dirt on Clinton to Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, a reporter from the London Sunday Telegraph, when his twin-engine Cessna crashed with a full tank of gas in clear weather south of Lawton, Oklahoma.

[text omitted]

Victim 9: [...Barry Seal's] story is so exciting that Hollywood made it into a movie, 'Double-Crossed' [...] Barry made about $50 million as a pilot and plane supplier in Clinton's incredibly elaborate and successful drug-running operation out of Mena, Arkansas.

[text omitted]

Barry Seal was eventually arrested by the Federal Drug Enforcement Administration. To get off the hook, he turned state's evidence and fingered several big drug dealers. He even managed to take clandestine photographs of major Colombian and Panamanian figures, one of which President Reagan showed proudly in a nationwide TV speech. But in the end, the DEA betrayed the flamboyant Barry by allowing him to be sentenced to a halfway house, where a few days later he was a sitting duck for three Colombian avengers with Uzi and MAC-10 sub-machine guns with silencers.

[This section was to long to type!]

Victim 10 & 11: Kevin Ives and Don Henry, two Bryant, Arkansas, teenagers, apparently were a bit too snoopy about the air drops of dope and cash they had observed in the nearby countryside at night (part of the Mena operation). They were found on the morning of August 23, 1987, having been run over by a train. "They fell asleep on the tracks," according to state medical examiner Fahmy Malak, a Clinton appointee [...]

( [...] Malak once declared that a decapitated man had died of "natural causes," a ruling Clinton defended as a mere symptom of overwork.)

Malak's opinion caused a big ruckus locally. Eventually, the boy's irate parents managed to get a second coroner's opinion, and the official causes of death were changed to being stabbed in the back and getting a crushed skull before the train came. At this point...

Victims 12 - 17: ...six local people came forward independently, each claiming to have some special knowledge about the deaths of the boys on the track. All were slain before their testimony could do any good. Police involvement is suspected in most cases, but not all:

Keith Coney had been slashed in the neck and was fleeing for his life when his motorcycle slammed into the back of a truck. "A traffic fatality," police said.

Gregory Collins was found shot in the face by a shotgun.

Keith McKaskle was brutally stabbed at home 113 times. He knew he was doomed, and had told his friends and family goodbye.

The burned body of Jeff Rhodes was found in the city dump, shot in the head and with his hands, feet, and head partly cut off.

Richard Winters was killed by a man with a 12-gauge sawed-off shotgun.

Jordon Ketelson died of a shotgun blast to the head and was found in the driveway of a house in Garland County. "A suicide," the sheriff said.

Do you see a pattern here? All in all, after ten years of Mena operations, not one arrest was ever made [...]

Victim 18: Danny Casolaro was a reporter who was investigating the connections between Mena, BCCI, Iran-Contra, Reagan's "October Surprise," Park-o-Meter Co. (which made dope-storage nose cones for the airplanes at Mena), and the ADFA (Clinton's billion-dollar state bonds racket). [...] On August 10, 1991, just as he was about to receive information linking Iran-Contra to the Inslaw scandal, Danny was found with his wrists slit in the bathtub of a hotel room in West Virginia. What a coincidence.

Victim 19: Paul Wilcher, a Washington D.C. lawyer, was deeply investigating Mena and other scandals. He was scheduled for a meeting with Danny Casolaro's former attorney, but on June 22, 1993, was found dead in his apartment, sitting on his toilet. (The bathroom killer strikes again?)

Victim 20: Ed Willey, the manager of Clinton's presidential campaign finance committee [...] supposedly shot himself on November 30, 1993.

Victim 21: John A. Wilson, a [...] city councilman in Washington D.C., knew a lot about Clinton's dirty tricks. [...] on May 19, 1993, he just decided to hang himself [...]

[text omitted]

Footnote: I hereby serve notice that I am not depressed in the least, and that if anything happens to me, I publicly accuse Bill Clinton and his circle of power.

End excerpts.

By Nicholas A. Guarino
Editor

The Wall Street Underground
1129 East Cliff Road
Burnsville, Minnesota 55337

... Warning: The author of this message has Patriot's Disease
--- Blue Wave/QBBS v2.12 [NR]
* Origin: Gun Control=Criminals & Gestapo vs. the Unarmed. (1:231/110.0)

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Date: Mon Nov 20, 1995 11:24 pm CST
From: snet l
                 EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414
                 MBX: snet-l@world.std.com

TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762
Subject: (fwd) BBC Video Tape on Mena
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From: rivero@netcom.com (Michael Rivero)
Subject: BBC Video Tape on Mena
Message-ID:
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>> Try reading the British press and watching British news documentaries, and you'll see exactly how derelict the American press and electronic media have become.

> That's true. While I was down in Australia, everyone was talking about the British 20/20 program on Mena. I was not able to see it myself, but from the second hand reports it must have been a very thorough expose.

 > I guess that, like "The Atomic Cafe", this is another foreign documentary that will never be shown in our "free" society.

Hey, I was wrong! The show IS available here in the United States.

The following is offered for informational purposes only. I am not affiliated with the Washington Weekly (although I am a fan), and share no commercial interest in this video tape (but my money is on the way as I type this).

------------------------------------------------------

"The Cocaine Connection"

"Reveals a trail of guns, cash and cocaine leading to the front door of the White House"

This is the story that American TV should have told, but didn't. This is a scandal that Congress should have exposed, but wouldn't.

Now British TV has made a documentary expose of the gun running, drug smuggling, and murder centered around Mena airport in the 1980s.

This compelling documentary includes actual footage as well as interviews with L.D. Brown, Terry Reed, Russell Welch, Bill Duncan, Julius Delaughter, John Brown, Linda Ives and many more. No stone is left unturned.

This tape is now being distributed by Washington Weekly so the American public can learn the shocking truth.

Was Governor Bill Clinton connected to the CIA?
Was drug money the source of Bill Clinton's campaign funds?
Why did Clinton protect dope dealer Dan Lasater?
Who killed the two teenagers who stumbled onto an airdrop gone awry?
Who covered up their murders and continues to interfere with the investigation?

Alert your friends and neighbors to what may prove to be the biggest scandal ever in U.S. history. Order "The Cocaine Connection" today.

The Big Story: The Cocaine Connection. Twenty Twenty Television 1995. 23 minutes.

To order this video tape:
$19.75 + $2 S/H per copy
$35 + $2 S/H for 2 copies
$60 + $3 S/H for 5 copies
$100 +$4 S/H for 10 copies (additional copies $10)

Add $3 for priority delivery (3-5 days after receipt of payment). Standard delivery is 6-11 days. Florida and Wisconsin residents add sales tax.

Special offer to Washington Weekly subscribers: The S/H fee is waived for orders postmarked no later than November 27.

Send check or money order (made payable to Informatics Resource) to:

Video Distribution
P.O. Box 753
Gulf Breeze, FL 32562-0753

Remember to include a clearly written mailing address, and please include an email address as well.

Credit card ordering will be added on this page shortly. Stay tuned.
-------------------------------------------------------------------

=========== T H E A N I M A T I O N P L A N T A T I O N ============
Michael F. Rivero — rivero@netcom.com — 17 years in the business
WEB PAGE OPEN AT file://ftp.netcom.com/pub/ri/rivero/plant.html
-------------------------------------------------------------------
History has shown that the honorable man loses to the teller of white lies, who loses to the teller of black lies, who loses to the blackmailer, who loses to the embezzler, who loses to the drug dealer, who loses to the murderer, who loses to the genocidal tyrant.

The operant question in these evil times is therefore not, "What is our government capable of?", but rather, "What is our government NOT capable of?"
===========================================================================

Citizens Intelligence Access BBS 415.927.2435
http://linex.com/~steve

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Date: Sun Nov 26, 1995 8:29 pm CST
From: David J. Sussman
                 EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414
                 MBX: djsussma@jupiter.acs.oakland.edu

TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762
Subject: Re: "The Cocaine Connection": BANNED IN THE USA

Question: Has the ownership of the program changed recently?

i.e. did Carlton just buy the rights and want to stop all distribution or did Carlton ALWAYS hold the rights and just now decide for reasons not given, to stop the distribution in the US?

It is my impression that Carlton is the same firm that negotiated the deal to distribute the tape in the US and now wants to stop the deal. If this is the case then it would appear that Carlton is afraid of reprisals from unfriendlies.

If Carlton bought the rights and NOW wants to suppress distribution, then we have a different animal altogether.

I worry when I am told all about something by people who have not seen it, and when I cannot see something that was produced to be shown to a wide audience because it offends someone politically or is otherwise an expose of criminal wrongdoing.

DS

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On 25 Nov 1995, John Q. Public wrote:

found at http://dolphin.gulf.net/tape.html

BRITISH MENA TAPE BANNED IN THE USA

The British Mena tape that the Washington Weekly started offering to subscribers last week, has been banned for wider distribution in the USA.

The Washington Weekly originally received a master tape from the producer of the documentary, who had no objections to distribution of the tape.

For unexplained reasons, however, the owner of the rights to the program, Carlton Television Limited, has refused to negotiate wider distribution in the U.S. under any circumstances. Carlton Television did not respond to questions from Washington Weekly asking whether they had been subject to political pressure to prevent distribution in the U.S.

Reliable sources have told the Washington Weekly that U.S. Senator Bob Dole has asked the London Telegraph to curtail its investigation into the Mena scandal.

All orders received before the cease and desist demand from Carlton have been filled. The Washington Weekly is considering further actions in this matter.

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Date: Mon Nov 27, 1995 8:35 pm CST
From: David J. Sussman
                 EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414
                 MBX: djsussma@jupiter.acs.oakland.edu

TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762
Subject: Repost: The lights are going out all over this land (fwd)

---------- Forwarded message ----------

Date: 27 NOV 1995 04:09:02 GMT
From: Martin Anderson
Newgroups: alt.current-events.clinton.whitewater
Subject: Repost: The lights are going out all over this land

The November 27 Washington Weekly has foreboding news.

The long arm of the Clinton's has reached across the Atlantic to prevent the American distribution of the British 20-20 television documentary on the Mena Scandal.

Also, there is information that the internet has come under control of SAIC, a CIA contractor.

Editor Marvin Lee has now learned that the matters of greatest interest to SAIC, in his publication, are the Mena scandal and the Inslaw scandal.

These, with the Foster death, are the tripod of the Horrors that now stand at the moral foundation of this Administration. Beyond this, Marvin Lee also discloses Republican Senator Robert Dole's ongoing involvement in the Mena cover-up.

Forget Whitewater, Robert Dole's creature, Senator D'Amato has, by deliberate intention, reduced that to a niggling bore.

All this is evidence of the continuing coup that has been rolling across America since the Clinton inaugural.

Already, this administration holds the commanding heights of the media; Federal law enforcement, police, intelligence, and regulation; and now has the leadership of the Democratic and Republican parties well in hand.

What is next as the lights go out all across this land?

Martin

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INVESTIGATING MENA

House Banking Chairman James Leach, in a memo to his committee's members, has suggested that his low-key Whitewater investigation may lead to hearings on a high-profile issue: allegations of money laundering and drug smuggling at Mena Airport in southwestern Arkansas. Leach disclosed that investigators are probing "whether businesses based at, or operating through, the Mena Airport engaged in systematic money laundering." They also are exploring, he said, whether the source of laundered money was convicted drug smuggler Barry Seal during the time he said he was working for the Central Intelligence Agency. Published accounts for years have linked wrongdoing at Mena to the then-governor of Arkansas, Bill Clinton. But Leach's memo did not mention Clinton and asserted "the Mena-related allegations involve possible improper conduct spanning several federal administrations."

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Date: Sun Dec 10, 1995 9:58 am CST
From: David J. Sussman
                 EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414
                 MBX: djsussma@jupiter.acs.oakland.edu

TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762
Subject: Clinton,Bush & CIA question & answer (fwd)

---------- Forwarded message ----------

Date: 7 DEC 1995 20:35:56 GMT
From: Robert Lee Sitler
Newgroups: alt.current-events.clinton.whitewater
Subject: Clinton,Bush & CIA question & answer

Hello everyone. I have Bob Harris's email address now: 75720.2644@compuserve.com

Bob Harris is a lecturer and investigator of government abuse. He helped produce the CD "Encyclopedia of the JFK Assassination". He has actually been to the Mena airfield, and dug into the facts surrounding Clinton, Foster, etc... I emailed him the following question.

Have you read Clinton, Bush & CIA by Terry Reed? And if so, do you have anything to add? Following is his response.

Hi Rob.

Actually, I haven't spent a lot of time on the Mena airport story. It's apparently just one of many bases used to ship nasty stuff, and unfortunately a lot of political folks have used it to distract attention from the far better-documented involvement of Bush's NSC in similar shipments through Homestead AFB in Florida, John Hull's farm in Costa Rica, and even apparently a strip of land way out in the Texas hill country owned by one of Bush's closest friends. But to listen to some of the folks who tout that book, the governor of Arkansas somehow caused our nation's drug problem, which is nuts.

Anybody with integrity should call it down the middle, not exploit the activities of somebody in one party for political gain. Which isn't to say that's what Reed's doing — I have his book, and it looks like he's a pretty straight-up guy — but when I look at how folks like Jerry Falwell have used him to imply that the Clintonistas are major smugglers and then turn around and support Ollie North for the Senate — well, that's just repellent.

I've been to Mena, by the way. Gave me the willies. The airstrip really is way the bloody hell too big for that little town. Something's definitely up.

Clinton's dirty as hell, no doubt — the commodities stuff was a payoff from Tyson, for example — so, sure, what Terry Reed says could have happened. Just keep in mind that the problem is structural, it's integral to both parties, and so if we want to put an end to it, the answer isn't be electing religious fundamentalists but by enacting campaign finance reform, so neither party can be bought and sold the way the both currently are.

Long answer to a short question. Hope it made sense. Bob

------------------------------------------

Date: Fri Sep 08, 1995 9:43 pm CST
From: Duane Roberts
                 EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414
                 MBX: eaou669@aldebaran.oac.uci.edu

TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762
Subject: Re: Molehills and Mountains — some news

On 4 Sep 1995, Edward W. Zehr wrote:

> Although there is considerable evidence that the CIA routinely financed covert operations with drug money, that does not appear to have been done in the Contra supply operation. The amount of aid being given the Contras was actually quite modest compared to the profits Seal was making on his drug-running operation. The irony of it is, had drug profits been used to finance this operation, instead of involving other countries, especially Iran, the spooks running the show would probably have gotten clean away with it, given the unwillingness of politicians in both parties to investigate drug-related covert operations.

If as you claim in the preceding paragraph that drug profits weren't used to finance the Nicaraguan Contras, then why did the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations of the Committee on Foreign Relations headed by Senator John F. Kerry (D-Mass.) generate roughly fifteen hundred pages of documentation proving that in fact this was the case?

And why did Senator Kerry write the following conclusions in a report that was released to the public on April 13, 1989 if there was no evidence to make these claims?

There are many other things I could post from this report, but I think this will do for now.

-----------------------------------------------------------
DRUGS, LAW ENFORCEMENT, AND FOREIGN POLICY: A REPORT
-----------------------------------------------------------
Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate. December 1988.
-----------------------------------------------------------
Washington : U.S. G.P.O. : For sale by the U.S. G.P.O., Supt. of Docs., April 13, 1989.
-----------------------------------------------------------
GOV DOC # Y 4.F 76/2:S.prt.100-165
-----------------------------------------------------------

From pages 36 and 37.

NARCOTICS TRAFFICKERS AND THE CONTRAS

I. INTRODUCTION

The initial Committee investigation into the international drug trade, which began in April, 1986, focused on allegations that Senator John F. Kerry had received of illegal gun-running and narcotics trafficking associated with the Contra war against Nicaragua.

As the Committee proceeded with its investigation, significant information began surfacing concerning the operations of international narcotics traffickers, particularly relating to the Colombian-based cocaine cartels. As a result, the decision was made to incorporate the Contra-related allegation into a broader investigation concerning the relationship between foreign policy, narcotics trafficking, and law enforcement.

While the contra/drug question was not the primary focus of the investigation, the Subcommittee uncovered considerable evidence relating to the Contra network which substantiated many of the initial allegations laid out before the Committee in the Spring of 1986. On the basis of this evidence, it is clear that individuals who provided support for the Contras were involved in drug trafficking, the supply network of the Contras was used by drug trafficking organizations, and elements of the Contras themselves knowingly received financial and material assistance from drug traffickers. In each case, one or another agency of the U.S. government had information regarding the involvement either while it was occurring, or immediately thereafter.

The Subcommittee found that the Contra drug links included:

— Involvement in narcotics trafficking by individuals associated with the Contra movement.

— Participation of narcotics traffickers in Contra supply operations through business relationships with Contra organizations.

— Provision of assistance to the Contras by narcotics traffickers, including cash, weapons, planes, pilots, air supply services and other materials, on a voluntary basis by the traffickers.

— Payments to drug traffickers by the U.S. State Department of funds authorized by the Congress for humanitarian assistance to the Contras, in some cases after the traffickers had been indicted by federal law enforcement agencies on drug charges, in others while traffickers were under active investigation by these same agencies.

These activities were carried out in connection with Contra activities in both Costa Rica and Honduras.

The Subcommittee found that the links that were forged between the Contras and the drug traffickers were primarily pragmatic, rather than ideological. The drug traffickers, who had significant financial and material resources, needed the cover of legitimate activity for their criminal enterprises. A trafficker like George Morales hoped to have his drug indictment dropped in return for his financial and material support of the Contras. Others, in the words of Marcos Aguado, Eden Pastora's air force chief:

... took advantage of the anti-communist sentiment which existed in Central America ... and they undoubtedly used it for drug trafficking.

While for some Contras, it was a matter of survival, for the traffickers it was just another business deal to promote and protect their own operations....

From page 136.

COVERT ACTIVITY ISSUES

5. The war in Central America contributed to weakening an already inadequate law enforcement capability which was exploited easily by a variety of mercenaries, pilots and cartel members involved in drug smuggling. In several cases, drug smugglers were hired by Contra organizations to move Contra supplies. In addition, individual contras accepted weapons, money and equipment from drug smugglers.

The Subcommittee did not find evidence that the Contra leadership participated directly in narcotics smuggling in support of their war against the Sandinistas, although the largest Contra organization the FDN, did move Contra funds through a narcotics trafficking enterprise and money laundering operation. There was, moreover, substantial evidence of drug smuggling through the war zones on the part of individual Contras, pilots who flew supplies, mercenaries who worked for the Contras, and Contra supporters throughout the region.

There is also evidence on the record that U.S. officials involved in assisting the Contras knew that drug smugglers were exploiting the clandestine infrastructure established to support the war and that Contras were receiving assistance derived from drug trafficking. Instead of reporting these individuals to the appropriate law enforcement agencies, it appears that some officials may have turned a blind eye to these activities.

Sincerely,

Duane J. Roberts
eaou669@ea.oac.uci.edu

Undergraduate Student
Criminology, Law, and Society
School of Social Ecology
University of California, Irvine

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Date: Fri Sep 08, 1995 9:47 pm CST
From: Duane Roberts
                 EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414
                 MBX: eaou669@aldebaran.oac.uci.edu

TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762
Subject: Re: Mena & mainstream media

On 5 Sep 1995, Edward W. Zehr wrote:

> North mentions in his book *Under Fire* that Seal was used in a sting operation against the Sandinistas, who were trafficking in drugs at that time. A well-known article that ran in the monthly Texas Observer quoted a DEA agent as saying that drugs were being smuggled into the country from El Salvador. Several newspapers embellished the story, saying that North had been aware of the drug trafficking. The Washington Post checked into the story and concluded that the DEA agent had NOT said that North knew about the operation.

If *The Washington Post* ran an article claiming that this DEA agent "had NOT said that North knew about" what was going on at Ilopango airport in El Salvador, then *The Post* was disseminating misleading and inaccurate information about this matter (as usual).

The agent you happen to be referring to is a gentleman by the name of Celerino Castillo III. Mr. Castillo was the Drug Enforcement Administration's top man in El Salvador in the early 80s.

Last year, Mr. Castillo publicly accused Lt. Col. Oliver L. North and other government officials of collaborating with drug traffickers at Ilopango airport in El Salvador to smuggle cocaine into the U.S. in return for using a portion of the profits to buy weapons and supplies for the Contras.

Mr. Castillo gave numerous interviews to this effect.

The following is a transcript of one of several interviews conducted with him that I have in my possession (I also have a copy of the book he has written about his experiences).

[It should be noted that that the C-123/C-130 cargo planes flying in-and-out of the Intermountain Regional Airport in Mena, Arkansas frequently traveled to Ilopango.]

-----

Interview: Celerino Castillo

ALL NORTH'S PILOTS RAN DRUGS, SAYS FORMER DEA AGENT

Celerino Castillo, who was the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration's (DEA) top agent in El Salvador during 1985-87, is the co-author, with David Harmon, of a new book, *Powder Burns: Cocaine, Contras and the Drug War*

Interviewed by Edward Spannaus on Sept. 10, 1994.

Spannaus: Mr. Castillo, before we get into the question of Oliver North, I'd like to ask you a little bit about your background. Could tell us what your employment with the DEA was?

Castillo: Being born and reared in south Texas, we come from a family which is very patriotic. My father was a World War II hero who was shot six times in an ambush in the Philippines, and he is the recipient of the bronze Star, and of course the Purple Heart, and so forth.

I'm the only male in the family, and I could have been kept from going to Vietnam. But I did go to Vietnam; I'm a Vietnam veteran. I'm a recipient of the Bronze Star. Because of my combat experience, I decided to go into law enforcement. I saw a lot of my buddies shoot up heroin in Vietnam, and I decided when I got back I would get involved with the federal narcotics system.

I went to school, got my degree in criminal justice, and was a police officer at the time I was going to school. I worked the midnight shift and went to school during the daytime.

After that, I applied with the DEA, and was hired by the DEA in 1979. My first assignment with the DEA was in New York City. I turned out to be the first Mexican-American to work in New York City. I teamed up with another agent who was Italian, and we ended up conducting the investigation that ended up in one of the biggest heroin seizures in New York City of all time.

After four years in New York City, I was assigned, because of my Vietnam experience, to conduct jungle operations in Peru. I did a lot of assaults on airstrips there, and air assaults on cocaine labs.

We conducted an operation there called Operation Condor, which was the first time in history that the Peruvians and Colombians worked hand-in-hand in combating narcotics trafficking. We ended up seizing a cocaine lab in Peru that was producing 100% hydrochloride cocaine.

Spannaus: What year was this?

Castillo: This was in 1984.... I was supposed to do a two-year tour there, but I ended up doing about year and a quarter, because of my exposure to international stardom in Peru. There was a picture of me during the operation that was in every newspaper in South America. For security reasons, I left Peru and I was assigned to work in Guatemala.

I arrived in Guatemala in October 1985, and of course that was the first time I was forewarned by the country attaché, Bob Stia, about the Contras being involved in narcotics trafficking.

Spannaus: What was Stia's position?

Castillo: Robert Stia was the country attaché, which involved two agents and himself. Two agents covered four countries, including Belize, Guatemala, Salvador, and Honduras.

Spannaus: What did you find out while you were there?

Castillo: At the beginning, I was in charge. I was supposed to be the agent in charge of El Salvador, which means I was the DEA representation in that country.

One of the things that we had in El Salvador was an informant who was in place at Ilopango airport. This informant was the one who did the flight plans for the Contras, and he had previously given reliable information to the U.S. Embassy in regards to some of the pilots who were involved in narcotics trafficking.

We had another individual who had been a DEA informant since 1981, and he was also very politically involved with the Arena Party, which was the party of the far right, the party of Maj. [Roberto] D'Aubisson, [Napoleoan] Duarte, and [Alfredo] Cristiani. We had gathered intelligence, and we continued to start the investigation on it.

Spannaus: What was going on at Ilopango?

Castillo: We had pilots, who were being hired down in Central America, who were running supplies for the Contras and were also involved heavily in narcotics trafficking. When we finally got the names of all the pilots who were involved, we ran it through our computers, and it was revealed that every single one of them was documented as a narcotics trafficker. This was brought to the attention of the U.S. ambassador, Edwin Corr. He was advised of the investigation that we were conducting.

His answer to me was the fact that it was a covert operation from the White House and Ollie North, and he advised me that I would be safer to stay away from that investigation, because I would be stepping on people's toes at the White House.

Spannaus: What were these pilots doing?

Castillo: They were flying narcotics into the United States. They were also flying monies — U.S. currency — into Panama, into the Bahamas, to launder money for the Contras.

Spannaus: Were they also flying guns?

Castillo: They were flying guns. They were flying supplies for the Contras, and they were also involved in narcotics trafficking.

On Jan. 14, 1986, I met George Bush, then vice president, at a cocktail party in Guatemala City. It was at the U.S. ambassador's residence. He came up to me, and asked me what my job description was as a DEA agent in Guatemala. I told him that I was an agent conducting international narcotics investigations, and I told him that there was something funny going on with the Contras at Ilopango airport. As soon as I said that, he shook my hand, he smiled for the cameraman, and then he just walked away from me without saying a word. I knew then that he knew what I was talking about, about the Contras.

Spannaus: Was there any doubt in your mind that he knew what you were talking about?

Castillo: Not at all. I want to go on the record saying that on that same day, if I'm not mistaken, and I'm sure I'm not, I saw Oliver North in Guatemala City, and I definitely saw Calero, the leader of the Contras, at the same time in Guatemala City at the U.S. Embassy.

Spannaus: This is Adolpho Calero?

Castillo: Yes, sir. They were all there at the same time.

Spannaus: Did you have any information as to what they were doing there?

Castillo: They were meeting in the "bubble," and the "bubble" means the CIA room up on the third floor, where they were discussing sensitive information. I knew Calero was there and [involved] in discussions about the Contras. That's just what I think was going on.

Spannaus: Let me come back to this question of the pilots again. Who hired these pilots?

Castillo: These pilots were being hired, according to the pilots and according to our informant, by Felix Rodriguez, who was running Hangars 4 and 5 of Ilopango. They were hired by the CIA, Oliver North's Contra operation, and so forth.

Spannaus: What was Rodriguez's relation to George Bush and Bush's office?

Castillo: They were very close friends, according to a lot of information we had received.

What happened is that this investigation snowballed in early 1986, and I got a cable from the country attaché in Costa Rica, advising me that they had received reliable information that there were Contra pilots flying out of Costa Rica into Ilopango into Hangars 4 and 5. It turned out Hangars 4 and 5 are owned and operated by the CIA and the National Security Council — which is Oliver North — and were run by Felix Rodriguez.

When we contacted our informants in there, they just went ballistic, telling me that that is what they had been trying to tell everybody: that the Contras and the CIA and everybody else in Hangars 4 and 5 were heavily involved in narcotics trafficking.

This informant himself saw, in one instance, $4.5 million in cash going from Ilopango into Panama. Secondly, he saw drugs. Thirdly, he would call us and let us know when a certain pilot was on his way to airdrop money into the Bahamas. One of his pilots was Chico Guirola, Francisco Guirola, a Contra pilot. This same individual, who had gone to the Bahamas on certain days, had also been arrested in 1985 in south Texas, with $5.5 million in cash. That was a Contra operation. He was deported and, if I'm not mistaken, that money was given back to him.

Spannaus: What's the story on this fellow "Brasher"? [In Castillo's book, Walter Grasheim is referred to as William Brasher.]

Castillo: Mr. Walter "Wally" Grasheim was a civilian. He was a documented narcotics trafficker. When I approached everybody in the U.S. Embassy to find out who this individual was, they told me that he was working for the Oliver North Contra operation out of Hangars 4 and 5, and was the liaison officer between General Bustillo and Oliver North.

I built a unit in El Salvador, an anti-narco-terrorist unit, and this individual was hit, his house was searched, by my unit in El Salvador.

When it was searched, he happened to be in New York City at the time, and we found a lot of U.S. munitions, cases of grenades, cases of explosives — C4. Every explosive we could find was found at that residence, including sniper rifles, helicopter helmets, you name it. This guy was a civilian who was not supposed to have any of this stuff with him. Surprisingly, what we also found at his residence was that all his vehicles had U.S. Embassy license plates. We found radios belonging to the U.S. Embassy. We found weapons belonging to the U.S. Embassy.

Spannaus: This is somebody who is a documented drug trafficker?

Castillo: A documented drug trafficker and a civilian. He violated every Customs law there is, in the exportation and importation of those items into El Salvador.

Spannaus: What happened? Was he prosecuted?

Castillo: Well, no. We had a warrant for his arrest, if he was to come back. He found out....

Spannaus: When you obtained information about drug trafficking running out of Ilopango, what did you do with that information?

Castillo: I wrote cables; I wrote DEA-6s; I wrote reports. I did everything I was supposed to do.

Spannaus: Now these reports would go where — to DEA headquarters?

Castillo: The DEA in Washington. Exactly. We've got to remember one other thing that a lot of people are not aware of. Every time I wrote a report, every time I sent a cable out, it had to be approved by the country attaché and the U.S. ambassador. Those reports had to be approved, and they did not interfere with me sending those reports, because they knew that some day it was going to come back and bite them in the butt if they didn't do it.

Spannaus: What was the response from headquarters to this?

Castillo: I got no response in the beginning. None at all. For example, on June 19, 1986, the informant at Ilopango called and advised me that Chico Guirola had departed Ilopango to the Bahamas with large shipments of money — and he was the one documented in 11 DEA files, and he was the same one arrested with $5.5 million in cash. I have certain times and dates, to verify what they were doing.

We're going to go back to 1986, in the Kerry Report, on July 26, 1986. The Kerry Report reported to Congress on Contra-related narcotics allegations. The State Department describes the "Frogman" case. The Frogman case was a case out of San Francisco. This case got its nickname from swimmers who brought cocaine ashore on the West Coast from a Colombian vessel. It focused on a major Colombian cocaine trafficker by the name of Alvaro Carvajal. He was the one that supplied a number of West Coast smugglers. It involved another Nicaraguan citizen by the name of Pereida, and two other Nicaraguans — Carlos Cabezas and Julio Zavala. Now, these guys testified before the Senate committee that the money they were smuggling, or profiting from the cocaine that was being smuggled into San Francisco, was going to the Contras. They testified to that.

It's a funny thing and it's a small world: In 1991, I was conducting an undercover operation in San Francisco, and the wife of Carlos Cabezas delivered to me five kilos of cocaine. She was arrested. Carlos Cabezas came in, and advised me that he, and also Carvajal, was an informant for the FBI, going back to the Frogman case, and that we needed to release his wife. I said, "I think I know you from somewhere."

He went on and he discussed the Oliver North/Contra narcotics-trafficking operation in detail. Of course, a report was written on this all the way into 1991, in reference to Oliver North. He described everything else that he had done for Oliver North, running drugs for the Contras.

Spannaus: Did he describe that Oliver North was personally involved in this?

Castillo: He said that they all have personal contact with Oliver North. Oliver North has given them permission to do whatever they want.

I have a recorded statement from the informant at Ilopango where he goes into detail, that every single pilot that was involved with the Oliver North/Contra operation gave Oliver North's name as having permission to run drugs freely. They all had credentials by the Salvadoran government and by the CIA so that they would not be searched.

Spannaus: You have described that there is an awful lot of evidence against Oliver North. Oliver North says that he is "the most investigated man on this planet." This is the response he gives whenever the question of his involvement in drugs comes up. What would you say about that?

Castillo: Point one: He was not ever investigated on the narcotics matter, ever. He was investigated on everything else.

If Oliver North had been investigated on narcotics trafficking, they would surely have contacted the agents down in Central America — which includes me — who conducted the investigation on him. In October 1986, 1987, I'm not sure what day it was, but I got a call from the DEA in Washington, not to close the case on the Contras, because the Kerry committee wanted access to my reports and the DEA had told them there were no reports. Maybe that's why they never contacted the agents down in Central America. But if somebody is going to do an investigation on the Contras, and there's a lot of implication of narcotics trafficking, they should have and would have contacted the agents in Salvador.

Spannaus: You sound like you were continuously writing reports and sending information to Washington. Did you get any reaction? Did anybody indicate some interest in investigating this?

Castillo: Finally, they decided to come down. What happened was the DEA sent a rookie intelligence analyst, and another guy from intelligence, and they came down to Salvador, and after debriefing two of the informants in the case, went back and reported that it was a couple of Contra pilots, but it was not organized.

What happened was they had made up their minds what they were going to write, before they even got to Salvador. They just wanted to cover their butt.... In two days they were able to determine it was just a couple of pilots and not very organized. Of course, we found out later on from several testimonies from several of the pilots who had been testifying before the committees, that it was a very well-organized operation being run by Oliver North.

Spannaus: Is there any way that those two agents could have arrived at that conclusion based on what you told them?

Castillo: Oh, no. What happened was they {were} told, the people they interviewed were the Contra — the informant who worked at Ilopango. He told them exactly what he was reporting to me. It wasn't like, they knew right away, but they needed to say something, that this was happening. What happened then, the guy who was in charge of the Latin American desk for DEA, his name was John Martsh. And he is now, if I am not mistaken, the deputy administrator for the DEA; he just got promoted. This is the same individual who conspired to hide the truth about the Contras' involvement in trafficking. He came back to me and he suspended me for three days without pay, because I was "too close to my informant." This informant, that "I was too close to," was my {only} backup in El Salvador. He was an informant because he was the Salvadoran officer who ran the narcotics unit in El Salvador. He was the one that raided Mr. Grasheim's residence. To put pressure on me, they came back [saying] that the DEA manual says I cannot associate with an informant.

The DEA does {not} give us backup. And that's what got Kiki Camarena killed in Mexico. That's what caught Victor Cortez in Guadalajara, Mexico, because the DEA would not furnish Hispanic backups on that investigation. The only person I could work with, and the only person that was given to me to work with, was this informant. Of course, we became friends. But DEA policy says you can't do that. Yet this guy was the adviser, DEA adviser to my narcotics unit that I built in El Salvador. This guy was not just an informant. He had credentials as a national police officer.

Spannaus: Was this an unusual step for the DEA to take, to discipline you for that type of thing?

Castillo: No. They just wanted me to stop. I had several calls. Mr. Martsh called me to stop reporting this information.

Spannaus: He told you to stop reporting?

Castillo: Yes. To stop reporting it. And if I was going to do any reporting, I should use the word "alleged." I have a letter from him.

Spannaus: Did you ever, in any other case, have a superior tell you to stop reporting?

Castillo: Never. Never. I have a letter where he says I should use the word "allege," and that my grammar was terrible. I'm going back. Every evaluation I've gotten has been an "outstanding" evaluation — up to then. Even then, even when I got suspended for three days, a month later, I was put in for a promotion. I had "outstanding" evaluations. It is just the fact that the pressure was being put on me to stop the investigation on the Contras.

Spannaus: Were there other forms of pressure put on you also?

Castillo: Yes, sir. I was ordered to travel to Salvador constantly, by land, by myself, through guerrilla country. It's like they were looking for me to get killed or something. I have proof, that I'll show later on, that they were trying to get me killed. Without any backup, they re having me go out undercover on the Salvadoran military corruption — weapons that were being seized from the guerrillas, they were selling to the cartels. They were sending me out there by myself, so I could get killed.

Spannaus: You would attribute this to your involvement in the Contra operation?

Castillo: With the Contra operation, exactly. I continued, I continued, and I continued to report this. We'll go back to where several people were starting to report this on the Contras. For example, on March 16, 1987, on a plane owned by a narcotics trafficker, U.S. Customs found an address book and the address and phone numbers were to Robert Owen, North's courier.

We go back to the Kerry report in 1988: They confirm my allegation that there was substantial evidence of drug smuggling through the war zone on the part of the individual Contra pilots, mercenaries who worked with the Contras, and the Contra supporters throughout the region.

Spannaus: Let's talk about the Kerry Committee report for a minute. When that report came out, it got very little attention, it seems. Why was that?

Castillo: It got very little attention because there was no credibility on the part of the people who were testifying before the committees, because they were all smugglers, they were all Contra pilots that had been let out to dry, they were all criminals. So there was no credibility at all on them. But, they never, ever brought {me,} the agent in charge of El Salvador who conducted this investigation, to ever go before a committee. They never contacted the Guatemala office. Why?

Spannaus: You say you were never contacted by the Kerry Committee?

Castillo: Never contacted by the Kerry Committee in any way, shape, or form. I was never contacted by the FBI, which was trying to file the violations of the Neutrality Act out of Costa Rica on John Hull, on Oliver North, and all those people. {Never} did anybody contact the DEA [officers] in Central America who actually conducted the investigation.

Spannaus: When the congressional committees were investigating the so-called Iran-Contra affair, they had the public hearings and a lot of private interviews and depositions. Did they ever contact you?

Castillo: No, sir, not at all. And I was the agent in charge in El Salvador. I was the one who was reporting everything. Maybe they didn't want to hear the truth.

Spannaus: What about the special prosecutor, Lawrence Walsh?

Castillo: Let me tell you something about Lawrence Walsh. I had my attorney in San Francisco in 1991 contact Walsh's people to tell them that I had substantial evidence in regards to Oliver North getting involved in narcotics trafficking. The DEA did not, in any way, shape, or form, want for me to contact them. I went ahead and contacted them secretly. I had a covert meeting with FBI agent Mike Foster, at my attorney's office in San Francisco. He was shocked to find out that there was a lot of evidence that the Contras had been involved, that Oliver North had been involved, in the knowledge of the narcotics trafficking.

When he asked who in the White House did I think knew about the Contras being involved in narcotics trafficking, I showed him a picture of George Bush and myself. His mouth dropped. He couldn't believe what I was tell him. He said, "Cele, if we can prove that the Contras and Oliver North were involved heavily in narcotics trafficking, it would be like a grand slam home run!" Those are his words.

Spannaus: Did you ever get any feedback from Foster or Walsh's office?

Castillo: I called Mike Foster several times, and he kept telling me that he still hadn't gotten approval from Mr. Walsh to continue the investigation.

That was the end of the investigation. They weren't about to open up another can of worms, because what happened was, everything was dropping, everything was going off. They were working on [Defense Secretary Caspar] Weinberger at the time.... They weren't interested in conducting a narcotics investigation.

Spannaus: Have you looked at the final report issued by Lawrence Walsh?

Castillo: Yes, sir. I have that. Nowhere in this whole report does it indicate that there is any narcotics investigation at all.

Spannaus: There's no reference to narcotics?

Castillo: No reference to any narcotics investigation. Oliver North is saying that he is the most investigated person — and if he is, then why isn't there anything in the Walsh report?

Spannaus: In the course of your 12 years with the DEA, how many cases or prosecutions were you involved in, would you estimate?

Castillo: Thousands of them. All over the country, all over the world. I was constantly having fugitives arrested.... I was an agent who was not scared to get involved. I lost my family because of that. I was just a workaholic; I believed in the system; I believed in the agency, and I believed that what was right is right, and what was wrong is wrong. And it didn't take me 20 years to try and figure this out. I found out after my six years that the DEA was corrupt — in the sense that there was a major coverup. We were losing agents because of political fights within Washington, and I decided to leave. And I negotiated my leave from the DEA.

Spannaus: You say you're involved in thousands of prosecutions. So you're pretty familiar with what kind of evidence is needed to get a conviction in a drug case. Do you think that the evidence that you compiled concerning Oliver North would have been sufficient to get a conviction?

Castillo: Absolutely. Absolutely, from the get-go. I kept waiting for the phones to ring. I kept waiting for someone to call me. "We need you to testify before a committee. We need you to tell us what you have on Oliver North." Nobody. {The phone never rang}. There was enough evidence, especially on violation of the federal narcotics law, where if a U.S. official has knowledge that there's narcotics trafficking being conducted by somebody, and he does not report it, that's a violation of the law right there. We had the Contras; they were heavily, heavily involved in narcotics trafficking.

Spannaus: What do you think about the idea of Oliver North becoming a U.S. senator?

Castillo: Well, it's going to be the first felon, convicted felon, to become a U.S. senator. He should be in jail. He should be in jail. On his own words, he lied to Congress, he lied to everybody, he deceived, he's deceiving the American people right now. I think people do not know the real fact that he was heavily involved in narcotics trafficking — his organization was heavily involved in narcotics trafficking. And he had {knowledge} that these people were involved in narcotics trafficking.

Spannaus: That knowledge would be sufficient for him to have been convicted?

Castillo: Absolutely. But nobody ever contacted me down in Central America. Now, why? Was there a conspiracy to protect him? Was there a conspiracy to protect the President of the United States, George Bush, or the vice president at the time? Apparently there was.

All of these things happened. It's documented, it's in black and white, I have case file numbers where it can be obtained. The DEA refuses to release that information.

The funny thing about it is: They're talking about Oliver North with the Contras. Well, there is a case file in 1991 that came out of Washington D.C., that implicates Oliver North. The file number is under Oliver North's name for smuggling weapons to the Philippines with known narcotics traffickers. Now, he's under the investigation by DEA and he's running for U.S. senator: Explain that one to me.

Spannaus: And you believe this case is still open with the DEA?

Castillo: Well, I don't know, maybe it is. Nobody can get access to it.

Spannaus: Is there anything else you would want to tell the people of Virginia about Oliver North?

Castillo: One of the things that Oliver North is stating, is that I am doing this because he is running for U.S. senator. But, the truth of the matter is that I have been trying to report this going back all the way to 1985-86, then in a memo in 1989, when I met with Walsh's people in 1991; there was a newspaper article that came out with this story in 1993, and in 1994 the Associated Press picked it up again. So it's a continuation of my attempt to educate U.S. citizens to the fact that Oliver North had knowledge that his operations were heavily involved in narcotics trafficking.

Spannaus: Are you going to come to Virginia and tell your story to the people of Virginia?

Castillo: Absolutely, I will go to Virginia. And the other thing I will say: I've never been paid 1 cent to tell my story. Never. When I found out that nobody was listening at the time to my story, I decided to write a book, a year ago.

One of the other things I want to remind the Virginians, is that I kept a daily journal of everything I did with the DEA. That's why I'm able to put these stories together with times and dates and so forth. So everything was documented....

Even Jack Blum, the special counsel for Kerry Committee, resigned his post saying, "I'm sick to death of the truth I cannot tell." So it's not me, there are other people out there who are saying the same thing.

In the Kerry Report, it says there is impressive evidence on the record that U.S. officials who turned a blind eye to narcotics trafficking and opposed the investigation of foreign narcotics smuggling, must also bear the responsibility for what is happening in the streets of the United States today.

And Oliver North should be responsible for that. Oliver North cannot stand there and say that nobody died of the narcotics that the Contras ran into the United States — which could be the "Frogman" case, or any other case. He cannot guarantee me that.

[end of transcript]

Sincerely,

Duane J. Roberts
eaou669@ea.oac.uci.edu

Undergraduate Student
Criminology, Law, and Society
School of Social Ecology
University of California, Irvine

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