WORMSCAN: MENA0 [PART 4]
Mena, Arkansas, base of CIA drug importation.
NOTES: I highlighted a few sections in this part. There is a reason for that. The first being the Hillary Clinton Uranium One Scandal. The second being the very recent charges and conviction brought against a company called Lafarge for Crimes Against Humanity and providing material support to terrorists in Syria. This would definitely tie recent events to past events. It would also imply that Iran-Contra did NOT end in the mid 90’s like we were told.
I made a few corrections to spellings and grammar.
I am no longer editing out the address of David P Beiter. It is an address of a place that doesn’t exist. As if his identity weren’t shrouded in mystery already.
If you missed previous parts to this part of the WORMSCAN series, you can find it here.
Date: Sat Sep 02, 1995 12:38 pm CST
From: INTRREPID
EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414
MBX: intrrepid@aol.com
TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762
Subject: The Mena Plot Thickens
September 11 Insight Magazine article by Jamie Dettmer and Paul Rodriguez states:
Whitewater independent counsel Kenneth Starr's recent indictments of former Clinton business partner James McDougal and Arkansas Gov. Jim Guy Tucker are unlikely to be the last to shake the Razorback State and the Clinton White House. Other indictments are being considered by Starr's team. But the next batch almost certainly is going come not from Whitewater inquiry but from an FBI probe into a 1987 double homicide that has been the subject of considerable state controversy.
For several months the FBI have been investigating the murders of teenagers Don Henry and Kevin Ives, who were found stabbed and bludgeoned on railroad tracks along the Pulaski-Saline county line on the outskirts of Little Rock.
The targets of the probe are a handful of suspected drug dealers from northwest Arkansas, a Little Rock prosecutor and several former members of the sheriff's departments in Pulaski and Saline counties, local law enforcement sources tell *news alert!
Why should this case bother the White House? For a couple of major reasons. Two of the alleged drug dealers under suspicion for the murders have been linked in raw law-enforcement intelligence files with prominent Arkansas businessmen__who also happen to be Friends of Bill. Further, the gruesome double homicide may well be connected with the mysterious Mena drug-trafficking of the 1980s that is beginning-at last-to catch the attention of congressional investigators. It would appear the boys stumbled upon a Mena narcotics drop site shortly before a delivery. Starr's investigators have also inquired about this in their bid to trace money-laundering in Arkansas.
If any case is mounted by the FBI, then Mena is likely to figure prominently. And the proverbial cat could well be out of the bag.
Meanwhile, despite press reports that Illinois Republican Henry Hyde, the chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, is contemplating a Mena probe, it now appears that he has decided against such an inquiry, congressional sources tell *news alert. But Iowa Republican Jim Leach, chairman of the House Banking Committee, is getting more interested in Mena and has now tasked two aides to begin a preliminary investigation. If the Feds start on Mena now, Leach could be encouraged to call a hearing.
*News Alert is the name of the feature inside Insight Magazine.
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Date: Sun Sep 03, 1995 9:45 am CST
From: ezehr
EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414
MBX: ezehr@capaccess.org
TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762
Subject: Re: Choices
In Message-ID: <429i9b$314$1@mhadg.production.compuserve.com>
Rosalee Thompson <75304.2620@CompuServe.COM> wrote:
> On a 1 Sep message, Wayne Mann says he has no fact to back up his claim that Perot's motive was to defeat Bush — there was a vendetta, well-published before the election, I just can't remember what it was; from what I've read/observed about Perot, it doesn't take much — likely another fantasy such as the one about his daughter's wedding.
> I agree with David's comment — He would have knowingly handed over the president to David's well-made point about] Clinton. What is so disturbing to me, is how deeply hate can penetrate within Perot's psyche.
There can hardly be any doubt that Perot's motive was to defeat Bush. His appeal was to the "Reagan Democrats." By depriving Bush of the support of that block of voters Perot was able to deny him the chance to be re-elected. That is not to say that Bush might not have lost anyway — only that Perot's entry into the race made his defeat a near certainty.
I don't know if I would go so far as to characterize Perot's emotional reaction to Bush as one of "hate," but he must have felt a great deal of animosity toward the man to act as he did.
I too have wondered what was behind Perot's dislike for Bush. The only thing I have been able to dig up is Bush's apparent blow-off of Perot's attempts to locate and return American POW’s abandoned in Southeast Asia after the Vietnam War. The following quote from the book *Kiss the Boys Goodbye* by Monika and William Stevenson makes this clear:
Relations between Bush and Perot had gone downhill ever since the Vice President had asked Ross Perot how his POW/MIA investigations were going.
"Well, George, I go in looking for prisoners," said Perot, "but I spend all my time discovering the government has been moving drugs around the world and is involved in illegal arms deals... I can't get at the prisoners because of the corruption among our own covert people."
This ended Perot's official access to the highly classified files as a one-man presidential investigator. "I have been ordered to cease and desist," he had informed the families of missing men early in 1987.
The book is highly supportive of Perot, as the above quotation suggests. We don't know Bush's side of the case since he has never addressed this aspect of the POW issue publicly.
Another quote from the same source was made by Perot following an address he delivered at the Naval Academy in 1986:
When you look into the prisoner cover-up, you find government officials in the drug trade who can't break themselves of the habit.
Thus, Perot was already aware, at that early date, that our government had been corrupted, at a very high level, by the drug trafficking that underlies the scandals we know as "Mena." During the summer of that year, Sen. Kerry, a member of the Foreign Relations Committee, spoke of "an interlocking web of private bank accounts, airstrips, pilots, planes and anti-Communist guerrilla bases used in common by arms-smugglers, narcotics smugglers..." The means whereby Kerry's investigation was sidetracked and the cover-up maintained are outlined in the book.
What we are seeing now is merely a continuation of the same old scam, perpetuated by powerful insiders of both major political parties who are motivated by moral cowardice, or worse. If it is true, as Mr. Norman maintains, that more than 200 high government officials possessed secret Swiss bank accounts averaging $10 million each, what possible source could there be for such a surfeit of illicit funds other than the drug trade?
If even a significant fraction of the allegations made to date regarding this issue are true, then our government is not merely corrupt — it is utterly vile. The image of Americans who fought for their country being left to rot in captivity so that some loathsome, fat-faced, over privileged government parasites can bloat their bank accounts with illegal drug money is so egregious it cries to heaven for vengeance.
The determination of the facts regarding this issue is not a matter of idle curiosity —it has to do with the survival of our democratic institutions. The only way we will ever induce the sniveling cowards who pretend to represent us to tell us the truth about this is to make it unambiguously clear to them that we demand and require the truth, and that if it is not forthcoming we are prepared to send them straight to Hell, without passing Go or any of the other amenities.
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Date: Sun Sep 03, 1995 9:49 am CST
From: Financial Opportunities
EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414
MBX: financial.opportunities@canrem.com
TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762
Subject: More on *drugs* from DISPOSABLE PATRIOT..& FOSTERGATE
More thoughts to munch on, regarding Mena and the Contra affair, from DISPOSABLE PATRIOT....with a postscript on FOSTERGATE and those "nuclear secrets"!
*******************************************************
According to Glibbery, strange events happened regularly on Hull's ranch.
A number of Americans of some apparent importance arrived at various intervals, met with Hull for a while, then departed. One of them, according to Glibbery, was Andy Messing, a high-profile Contra supporter in Washington and director of the National Defense Council. But Messing's business card indicated he was something else. "Andy Messing, Arms Dealer" was on the card he gave Glibbery.
Carr said that on March 6th the previous year, he and Robert "Pantera" Thompson were flown from the Fort Lauderdale-Hollywood airport in south Florida aboard a CV-440 cargo plane owned by Florida Aircraft Leasing Corp. and leased by American Flyers, a secretive air cargo company in south Florida.
American Flyers was owned by Daniel Vasquez III, who had been convicted of illegally running guns to Cuba in the 1950's and again in the 1960's. The air cargo manifest for the trip listed "50 cartons medical supplies" and "30 cartons clothing". It was, according to the manifest, "a relief shipment to the refugees of San Salvador."
Some relief shipment.
Aboard the plane, according to Carr, were a 14-foot 20mm cannon with 150 rounds, 30 G-3 automatic rifles, a box of M16 rifles, some 60mm mortars and a .50-caliber machine gun with 250 rounds of ammunition. All of the weapons came from the home of Rene Corvo and Frank Chanes of Ocean Hunter. Carr's claims were later backed up by FBI documents.
According to Carr, the plane flew from Fort Lauderdale to Illopango in El Salvador, the arms were transferred to an Islander cargo plane belonging to the Salvadorean Air Force, and they were then flown to Hull's ranch.
More troubling than the arms shipments were claims by Carr and Clibbery that much of the activity around [John] Hull's [Costa Rican] ranch involved the transshipment of cocaine to the United States.
Carr said he had personally witnessed cocaine being loaded on aircraft that regularly landed at Hull's ranch. Before they were allowed to take off, the pilots were charged exorbitant fees for landing rights and refueling.
Glibbery said at one point he overheard a call Hull received from someone in Washington expressing concern about the drugs. Washington wanted to "clean up" Hull, according to Glibbery.
Carr and Glibbery confirmed my earlier suspicious about the real reason for the southern front. It was a drug front. The information provided by Carlos Cassell and the offer from Paco Chanes only reinforced what I was hearing from these two. There remained little doubt in my mind that the U.S. government had knowledge about the drug trade being advanced under the protection of its war against the Sandinistas.
John Davies, the other British mercenary, refused to talk to me. But Pantera, the former Florida highway patrolman, was happy to see me because I represented the first semi-friendly face he had seen in a while. He had lost at least 50 pounds since the last time I saw him because the meager [Costa Rican] prison food that was being restricted due to Hull's influence.
Pantera was disoriented and talked in riddles most of the time, but he told me enough about the drug trafficking schemes on Hull's ranch to support Glibbery and Carr.
Human mules were humping 10 to 12 kilos of cocaine each from labs around Bluefields and taking it across the Rio San Juan onto Hull's ranch before being flown to the States.
The drugs were being processed in labs in *Nicaragua* because at that time the Colombians were having problems getting ether they needed for the final step in processing coca paste into cocaine. They'd ship the paste from Colombia into Nicaragua, where they could get plenty of ether, process the paste into cocaine there, and then take the cocaine through Costa Rica and Honduras.
Hull's ranch was the most convenient transshipment point. But drug shipments also provided a good source of funds for the Contras. They supposedly were going to do this only until Congress re-established funding for the Contras. It was short-term, creative financing in the incredibly lucrative commodity of cocaine.
The five mercenaries knew the ins and outs of the scheme and that knowledge made their lives virtually worthless as long as they stayed in Costa Rica. Glibbery, Carr and Pantera were wide-eyed with fear when I talked to them. Hull had a lot of influence in Costa Rica and could just as easily have had them killed as he could ensure they spent many years in prison.
***********************************************************
Excerpted from DISPOSABLE PATRIOT, by Jack Terrell and Ron Martz [ISBN 0915765381, National Press Books, 1992] - highly recommended for background on the US intelligence community, drugs, and the Contras!
**********************************************************
And for those who find it unbelievable that senior US officials could sell or give US nuclear secrets [and drawings, materials, supplies and parts] secretly to other countries, I recommend NEW WORLD ORDER by William Still [ISBN 0910316411, Huntingdon House, 1990, $9.95]. Still, an ex-newspaper editor, devotes a chapter to the DIARIES OF MAJOR JORDAN, wherein Jordan, the US officer responsible for lend-lease air shipments to Russia, documented the constant flow of nuclear bomb plans, parts and fissionable material, together with maps marking key US military and industrial locations, to Russia via his opposite number, Russian Colonel Kotikov [whenever Kotikov wanted something or was displeased, he called someone in Washington, and an hour later he had it or it was on its way. Jordan identifies that "someone" as Harry Hopkins]. General Groves, the security head for the US A-bomb project managed to stem the flow of vital thorium shipments to Russia when he discovered them, but that was all he was able to stop!
And for those who doubt Major Jordan, consult the chapter entitled "Super Lend-Lease" in BLACK SUN: THE MAKING OF THE HYDROGEN BOMB, by Richard Rhodes [1995, Simon and Shuster]. Rhodes confirms Jordan in every detail.
So it appears that selling or giving away US nuclear secrets has an *honourable pedigree* in Washington....
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Date: Mon Sep 04, 1995 10:05 am CST
From: ezehr
EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414
MBX: ezehr@capaccess.org
TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762
Subject: Re: Am I reading these Mena things right?
In Message-ID: <42ba0i$a4@lucky.innet.com>
rbb2@lucky.innet.com wrote:
> Am I misreading something? For the past few months there have been numerous people voicing the opinion that individuals within the US gov't have been involved in drug trafficking, and nobody's been sent to jail? I thought we were supposed to put bad guys in jail???
-rbb
That was before certain people in the government decided that drug trafficking would be a dandy way to finance covert operations. By 1985, Gen. Paul F. Gorman[*] had revealed in a "secret memo" sent to the Defense Department that, "There is not a single group in unconventional warfare that does not use narcotics to fund itself."
The approach of some of these groups to "warfare" seems pretty unconventional alright. It appears to consist mainly of skimming a healthy percentage off the top and distributing it among the group (as well as its "groupies" within the federal, state and local governments).
Ancillary tasks include smearing journalists who get too nosy and deviate from the official line, arranging "accidents" ["he ran into a tree and died"], orchestrating suicides [two decapitated bodies found on a railroad track in Arkansas — obvious cause of death, suicide], and beating to a pulp anyone who seems excessively unfriendly to the "Activity."
Not to name names, but when a certain governor (who later went on to bigger things) was informed by a certain state trooper that while on a flight to a certain country in Central America, that originated in a certain state that was governed by the governor, on behalf of a certain intelligence agency, he learned that the airplane was loaded with cocaine, the gov. replied "That's [Dan] Lasater's [oops] deal, that's Lasater's deal." He went on to say "and your buddy Bush knows about it."
I really shouldn't drop names like that. It's all very hush-hush, you know (i.e. everybody knows about it but the press). Guess I let the cat out of the bag - you've probably figured out who the "governor" is by now.
__________________________
[*] At the time, Gen. Gorman headed Southern Command, covering Latin America from Panama.
------------------------------------------
Date: Mon Sep 04, 1995 10:19 am CST
From: snet l
EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414
MBX: snet-l@world.std.com
TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762
Subject: more Mena info
Frm: (Glenda Stocks) Glenda.Stocks@f707.n203.z1.fidonet.org
For: All
Org: FREEDOM USA BBS! greg.waggy@707.gigo.com **VOTE!** (1:203/707)
...................................................................
* Forwarded by Glenda Stocks (1:330/201)
* Area : POLITICS (POLITICS)
* From : Greg Waggy, 1:203/707 (01 Sep 95 22:44)
* To : ALL
* Subj : FYI
...................................................................
Hello ALL!
(4) Mon 31 Jul 95 8:06 Rcvd: Mon 31 Jul 12:57
By: nssc@inlink.com, Net 203 Gateway (203/2)
To: greg waggy
Re: John Crudele is BACK! (fwd)
St: Pvt Kill Rcvd
-----------------------------------------------------------------
---------- Forwarded message ----------
To: uwsa@shell.portal.com, roc@xmission.com
---------- Forwarded message ----------
Financial reporter for the New York Post, John Crudele, has returned from a much deserved month-long vacation. He is now recharged and ready to take his Whitewater investigation to new heights. Here is his first article since arriving back, it appeared in todays (7/28/95) NY Post:
BOMBSHELLS COMING OUT OF ARKANSAS WILL LIKELY HURT CLINTON
by John Crudele
At the same time that the Senate is wrestling with hostile witnesses over whether or not something was removed by somebody from presidential aide Vincent Foster's office after his death, testimony is being taken in Arkansas that could be much more devastating to Bill Clinton.
Sworn depositions given the past few days in a lawsuit by a guy named Terry Reed against Raymond "Buddy" Young, a close friend of Clinton, have produced some bombshells that could severely damage the president's image and his re-election chances.
Among the disclosures is one by a clerk for the intelligence unit of the Arkansas State Police's Criminal Investigation unit who testified that she was ordered in 1988 by superiors to shred documents related to a drug-and-gun running operation out of Mena, Ark.
You've read about Mena here and elsewhere. In the early 1980s, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) is said to have assembled guns in Arkansas for shipment to the Contra rebels in Nicaragua. Cocaine was allegedly being smuggled into the U.S. on return flights.
Reed said he was recruited into the gun running part of this operation. His book, titled "Compromised: Clinton, Bush and the CIA," gives his view on what was going on in Mena.
Officials in Arkansas have denied knowing about the operation.
But the testimony of the clerk, whose name I am withholding, could puncture the notion that all of this went on under the noses of Arkansas officials without their knowledge.
The clerk swore in testimony taken at the Arkansas Attorney General's office two days ago that as late as 1988 there were documents about Mena in the state police files. The papers — including one with the headline "Mena Illegal Activities," the subject of which was narcotics and arms shipments — were ordered shredded, the clerk said.
Clinton was governor in 1988. Which raises the question: Could Clinton really have been unaware that something this controversial was going on if the state police — the guys who drove him around each day and with who he partied — had a file on Mena?
The Post has also learned that testimony has been given in the case that says Clinton appeared not only to know about the gun running operation but also that cocaine was aboard return flights.
Worse for the President's image — but probably less troubling legally — may be the fact that a state trooper named L.D. Brown has said in sworn statements that then Governor Clinton, in early 1984, was invited to a party at his friend Dan Lasaster's house where cocaine was openly used. The trooper testified that he hustled Clinton out of the party when the trooper spotted a sterling silver dish that appeared to contain cocaine. But Clinton did not report the illegal activity.
I spoke with the trooper yesterday by phone. In a recent article in the magazine American Spectator, Brown said he got involved in the Mena operation with the help of Bill Clinton, the man who Brown had been guarding. That article was largely ignored by the popular press [except the Wall Street Journal and Rush Limbaugh] because many people just didn't believe Brown.
But during his testimony in the Terry Reed case this week, Brown says he produced documents that show he had been lured into the Mena operation.
So what did Brown say in his deposition?
Brown says he was recruited into the Mena operation with the help of his friend Bill Clinton. He was interviewed by a guy named McGruder and later got a call from Barry Seal, who is now dead but apparently was the leader of the Mena operation.
Brown says his first trip with the Seal operation was on Oct. 24, 1984 aboard a C123 plane. They dropped some skids off the plane which, he was later told, contained M16 rifles. He said in the deposition that after the plane landed, four duffel bags were loaded on board.
Brown said in his testimony — and in my phone interview — he expressed concern to Clinton.
After the second flight, Dec. 24, Brown said he told Clinton that he had seen cocaine being loaded onto the home-bound plane.
"If there was any alarm it was that I had been shown the existence of the cocaine," Brown said in our phone talk yesterday. "I had been hoping to get a quick denial or a statement of disbelief."
"Instead, he tried to calm me down by saying 'That's Lasater's deal.' Not only wasn't he denying it, but he knew," Brown said.
For the record, Brown said he never saw Bill Clinton use cocaine. "I don't have any proof he ever used drugs" is the way he put it to me.
But here's the real kick in the butt to the White House. Brown has already spoken with Special Prosecutor Kenneth Starr's people and the FBI a number of times. He also confirms that he has been before the grand jury looking into all this stuff.
Brown won't say what he told the grand jury or investigators except that the conversations were "about everything."
Last Monday, I spent one of the last days of my vacation in Arkansas. Let me tell you, there is a lot more to come!
END OF ARTICLE BY JOHN CRUDELE FOR NY POST — 7/28/95
So Long,
Greg
...................................................................
Glenda Stocks
------------------------------------------
Date: Mon Sep 04, 1995 10:21 am CST
From: snet l
EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414
MBX: snet-l@world.std.com
TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762
Subject: Fostergate review
Frm: (Glenda Stocks) Glenda.Stocks@f707.n203.z1.fidonet.org
For: All
Org: FREEDOM USA BBS! greg.waggy@707.gigo.com **VOTE!** (1:203/707)
...................................................................
* Forwarded by Glenda Stocks (1:330/201)
* Area : POLITICS (POLITICS)
* From : Greg Waggy, 1:203/707 (01 Sep 95 22:52)
* To : ALL
* Subj : FYI
...................................................................
Hello ALL!
(1) 21 Aug 95 19:16:02 Rcvd: Mon 21 Aug 23:12
By: nssc@inlink.com, Net 203 Gateway (203/2)
To: greg waggy
Re: Re: part 18: vince foster and the $286,000 (fwd)
St: Pvt Lock Rcvd
-----------------------------------------------------------------
FYI
Kathy called and says much of this is verifiable. Don't know if you have it but if not, you should.
Regards,
Nick
P.S. Definitely.......pass it on!
---------- Forwarded message ----------
To: Nick Ivanovich
On Sun, 20 Aug 1995, Nick Ivanovich wrote:
> Brad,
> Do you have the Grabe post on Hillary from Fri Aug. 18th. I would appreciate your forwarding it if you so. Kathy Watkins had a lot to say about it. Thanks for your effort.
> Nick Ivnaovich
> From KALLISTE@delphi.comFri Aug 18 17:14:40 1995
To: bdolan@use.usit.net
-----BEGIN PGP SIGNED MESSAGE-----
Allegations Regarding Vince Foster, the NSA, and Banking Transactions Spying, Part XIX
by J. Orlin Grabbe
The triangular trade in early American history involved slaves picked up from the African coast, transported to the Caribbean to be exchanged for sugar, and the sugar then transported to the American colonies to be exchanged for rum.
The triangular trade in modern times involves the exchange of some third world raw material (oil, gold) or agricultural product derivative (coca processed into cocaine, or opium processed into heroin), for first world armaments and high technology, facilitated by cash or a cash-like intermediary which is laundered through banking or financial institutions.
Does the current Whitewater investigation simply involve a turf war, a battle for market share, in the modern triangular trade? Does one component of this war consist of a feud between families, reminiscent of the Hatfield’s and the McCoy’s?
Think of the parallels between Arkansas and Pittsburgh.
A. Bill Clinton, with the financial backing of Don Lasater and Jackson Stephens, ran Little Rock like a Mafia don.
B. Richard Scaife, using his own fortune, runs Pittsburgh like a Mafia don.
A. The friends of Bill Clinton were involved in supplying weapons to the Contras.
B. The friends of Richard Scaife were involved in supplying weapons and nuclear-related technology to Iraq.
A. Many of the Arkansas companies involved were represented by the Rose law firm.
B. Many of Iraq's nuclear suppliers are represented by the law firm of Buchanan Ingersoll P.C.
A. The Arkansas money was laundered through Don Lasater's bond business, Jackson Stephens' Worthen bank, and the ADFA.
B. The Pittsburgh money was laundered through Mellon Bank.
A. Faced with media exposure, the Little-Rock based Systematics (Alltel Information Services), a supplier of banking software, hires a New York detective firm named Proust and Killman to monitor its critics. Proust is said to have been sacked by Richard Helms as a CIA renegade.
B. Faced with media exposure, the Pittsburgh-based Mellon Bank, scheduled to face a RICO-suit for money laundering on August 28, hires a New York detective firm named Proust and Killman to monitor its critics. Proust is said to have been sacked by Richard Helms as a CIA renegade.
A. Vince Foster was a behind-the-scenes manager of a Systematics-related money-laundering project. According to a confidential report, "When considered in comparison to BCCI in its original conceptual intent, Systematics is several steps ahead of the capability of Financial General, BCCI, BNL's grey book operations and any of the CASA de Cambios that are currently servicing the lesser needs of the covert/illegal money trades domestically and internationally. To state this very simply, don't own the bank or the financial institution that has to maintain its accountability under regulatory scrutiny — own the computers, financial software and employees which operate the back office for the banks and financial institutions."
B. Vince Foster, at the time of his death, was in possession of nuclear-weapons related materials. He had his executive assistant, Deborah Gorham, place in Bernard Nussbaum's safe two notebooks from the National Security Agency. One of these was blue, indicating nuclear-related secrets. NSA's responsibilities include communications security for strategic weapons systems such as the Minuteman missile so as to prevent unauthorized intrusion, interference, or jamming, and responsibility for developing the codes by which the President must identify himself in order to authorize a nuclear strike.
According to Anthony Kimery, in an article entitled *Fostergate Continued*, scheduled to appear in the September issue of *Media Bypass Magazine*, on the day of his death Vince Foster left the White House around 1:00 p.m., "to meet a man employed by a company involved in construction of signals intelligence collection facilities for the National Security Agency (NSA) . . . Allegedly under investigation by the FBI for contract fraud, the firm's Little Rock office was where the tag to the vehicle driven by the man was registered."
A. Hillary Clinton, while one of the chief litigators of the Rose law firm and wife of Arkansas Governor Bill Clinton, was a director of Wal-Mart, said to have been utilized in the Little Rock money-laundering operation.
B. Hillary Clinton, while one of the chief litigators of the Rose law firm and wife of Arkansas Governor Bill Clinton, was a director of Lafarge corporation, whose Marblehead, Ohio subsidiary Standard Lafarge is said to have been utilized in the transport network to ferret machine tools and nose cones out of Pittsburgh and into Canada for shipment to Iraq.
A. The friends of Bill Clinton profited from the cash laundry of the Bush-Casey linked CIA drugs-for-arms deals (reportedly 10% of the profits of the laundry), then had a falling out, the bad news delivered by William P. Barr.
This meeting took place at Camp Robinson, an army facility outside Little Rock, according to Terry Reed, a CIA subcontractor. Also present besides Reed were Gov. Bill Clinton; Raymond Young, Clinton's Chief of Security; Bob Nash, a Clinton aide; Oliver North, in charge of supplying arms to the Contras; and Felix Rodriquez, the CIA-appointed head of a related operation in Mexico; Akihide Sawahata, the resident CIA agent. The meeting was run by William P. Barr, Chief Counsel for the CIA airline Southern Air Transport, who was representing CIA Director Bill Casey. (Barr later served as Attorney General under George Bush.)
In Reed's account, Barr said to Clinton: "The deal we [the CIA] made was to launder our money through your bond business." But Clinton, Barr said, had been getting greedy. "Our deal was for you to have 10 percent of the profit, not 10 percent of the gross . . . This has turned into a feeding frenzy by your good ole boy sharks, and you've had a hand in it too, Mr. Clinton. Just ask your Mr. Nash to produce a business card. I'll bet it reads Arkansas Development and Finance Authority . . . This ADFA of yours is double-dipping. Our deal with you was to launder our money. You got 10 per cent after costs . . . No one agreed for you to start loaning our money out to your friends through your ADFA so that they could buy machinery to build our guns. That wasn't the deal . . . Dammit, *we* bought a whole gun company, lock, stock and barrel and shipped the whole thing down here for you. And Mr. Reed even help set it up. You people go and screw us by setting up some subcontractors that weren't even authorized by us. Shit, people who didn't even have security clearances. That's why we're pulling the operation out of Arkansas. It's become a liability for us. *We don't need live liabilities*." (Terry Reed & John Cummings, *Compromised: Clinton, Bush and the CIA*, Shapolsky Publishers, 1994). The Arkansas operation was subsequently transferred to Mexico under the code name *Screw Worm*.
B. The friends of Richard Scaife profited from the Bush build-up of Iraq. Involved are Mellon-related companies Kennametal and Westinghouse. Did Bush similarly have a falling out with Scaife?
At least in one recent court case we find William P. Barr representing the Republic of the Phillipines against Westinghouse Electric Corporation. (United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit, No. 93-5672, involving the Republic of the Phillipines and the National Power Corporation, appellants, versus Westinghouse Electric Corporation, Westinghouse International Projects Company, and Burns and Roe Enterprises, Inc., appellees; the attorneys for the appellants were William P. Barr and David J. Cynamon of Shaw, Pittman, Potts & Trowbridge.)
A-B. Sheila Anthony, sister of Vince Foster, effects a wire transfer of $286,000 from Mellon Bank to her sister-in-law Lisa Foster, four days before Vince Foster meets his death.
A-B. Sheila Anthony, Bill Clinton's Assistant Attorney General for Legislative Affairs, shows up mysteriously at House Judiciary meetings that discuss Iraqgate.
Finally, consider the case of Jim Norman, Senior editor at *Forbes* whose article *Fostergate*, about the Vince Foster case, was killed by Steve Forbes, through the influence of Caspar Weinberger, Publisher Emeritus, whose ex-company Bechtel Corporation got the contract to build the PC2 petrochemical complex south of Baghdad, which is the center of Iraq's chemical weapons program. Jim Norman kept his job, however, and was permitted to publish the article elsewhere. It appeared in the August 1995 issue of *Media Bypass Magazine*.
Caspar Weinberger is one thing. Messing with Mellon Bank is another. Jim Norman now faces the Hobbesian choice of losing his job or taking a leave of absence (with no return guarantees). His sins? He sent a letter to Mellon Bank and a memo to his editor Jim Michaels.
First the letter to Mellon Bank.
###
12 August 1995
Margaret Kirsch Cohen
Media Relations
Mellon Bank
Dear Margaret:
It has been brought to my attention that on July 16, 1993, four days before the death of White House Deputy Counsel Vincent Foster, his sister and Justice Dept. Assistant U.S. Attorney, Sheila Anthony, effected a wire transfer from a branch or affiliate of Mellon Bank in the amount of $286,000 'and change' to her sister-in-law, Lisa (Elizabeth Braden) Foster.
I would like to request the following information.
From what account were these funds paid? If these funds came from Ms. Anthony's own account, when and from where did they originate? Who had signatory authority over these accounts? Was a trust account involved? If so, who are the beneficiaries and who is the trust officer? Who at Mellon Bank authorized this transfer? . . .
Thank you for your prompt response, by letter and fax to 212-620-1873.
Respectfully yours,
James R. Norman
Senior Editor
cc: Rep. James Leach
Chairman, House Banking Committee
Rep. William F. Clinger,
Chairman, House Oversight Committee
Rep. Newt Gingrich,
Speaker of the House
James Hamilton, attorney
###
This letter is said to have generated numerous phone calls to Steve Forbes.
Now the memo, which lead to the choice of unemployment or an unpaid leave of absence.
###
16 August 1995
to: Jim Michaels
from: Jim Norman
Jim:
. . . I feel like I should update you on some developments that are steadily corroborating key elements of the [Vince Foster] story. Indeed, since the article has run in a little magazine called Media Bypass, the story has taken on 'legs' and is about to get significant attention. I'd still urge Forbes to take advantage of its lead and print the story. Here's why:
1.) Since Forbes decision not to print Fostergate, solid evidence has emerged from credit card and airline frequent flier records that VWF was making periodic one-day trips to Switzerland. This has been reported in the London Sunday Telegraph.
2.) A staffer on Jim Leach's House Banking Committee has confirmed, on tape, that VWF had a Swiss bank account.
3.) Foster's former executive assistant, Deborah Gorham, has testified under oath in a private deposition that Foster had her put two inch-thick NSA binders in Bernie Nussbaum's safe. This establishes beyond a doubt that Foster had access to sensitive NSA documents. In fact, my sources say one of the binders contained presidential authentication codes required to authorize the use of nuclear weapons or other significant military action. A copy of her sworn statement is attached. Foster was not on the routing list for such sensitive documents, did not have a high enough security clearance for them, and must have gotten them from someone in or close to the oval office.
4.) Gorham has also told investigators for Kenneth Starr that on the day before he died, Foster received a document related to Systematics. That document disappeared from his office after his death. This is from a very credible source close to Starr's investigation, corroborated by other sources.
5.) Systematics was clearly part of a massive illicit money laundering operation, according to a report being prepared for Leach's committee (A copy of the preliminary introduction is attached)
6.) Although Systematics attempted to prevent the publication of Fostergate in Media Bypass, the company (Alltel) has not even bothered to demand a retraction of anything published in the story. Indeed, I have been told by at least four sources that senior officials of the company are now hiring criminal legal defense attorneys, and that Alltel itself is quietly up for sale. The WSJ has offered to help pick up Media Bypass' legal tab if they are sued (which is unlikely).
7.) Rep. Bob Dornan, head of the House Intelligence Committee, says he plans to read Fostergate into the congressional record. I'm doing 2-3 hours a night of talk-radio interviews. This stuff is hot on the Internet.
8.) If you have any doubts about the ability of the CIA's Fifth Column to raid foreign bank accounts and withdraw funds, just ask Caspar Weinberger. Having obtained an encrypted code (KPFBMMBODB) for an unknown Swiss account, I gave it to [name omitted], who either gave it to one of his colleagues or personally decrypted the number and hacked his way into the account at Union Bank of Switzerland in Berne. They removed $2.3 million, and then left a note with the decrypted account number in the account holder's mailbox in Maine. It was Cap's. The total take from his various Swiss accounts, I'm told is in 'eight digits.'
The source of this account number was the trunk of arms/drug smuggler Barry Seal's car. A copy of documents from a suitcase in that trunk is attached. The clear implication is that Caspar Weinberger, while Sec. of Defense, was taking kickbacks on drug and arms sales.
A co-signatory on this account appears to be connected with (a relative of) Howard Metzenbaum, the retired senator from Ohio. We are talking about by-partisan payola. Which helps explain why Congress is so squeamish about investigating this stuff.
HOWEVER: Newt Gingrich has now ordered Rep. Clinger, head of the House oversight committee, to conduct hearings into the death of Vince Foster. Gingrich has publicly stated that to believe Foster died of a simple suicide as officially stated requires 'gullibility to the point of stupidity.' . . .
Pouring gasoline on this fire is the revelation over the past weekend that Lisa Foster, Vince's wife, received a mysterious $286,000-plus payment, which came through Foster's sister Sheila Anthony, an Assistant Attorney General at the time, just four days before Foster's death. This clearly smacks of a hush-money payment. And apparently Foster wouldn't take the bait, despite being forced into a tight financial bind from the loss of his Swiss funds and probably from picking up the tab on all sorts of incidental Clinton campaign expenses. Faced with the likelihood he would be the fall guy for Hillary's sale of high-level nuclear code secrets to the Israelis (through Foster), he apparently threatened to dump the whole mess in Bill Clinton's lap at a one-on-one meeting set for Wednesday morning, July 21, 1993. But Foster never lived that long.
. . .
Jim, we are sitting on the most important story of the past 50 years. And one way or another, it's going to come out in a massive way. I wish Forbes would stand up and do its journalistic duty, no matter what bogus claims of national security may be invoked. This is corruption of the highest order.
I have read in the Baltimore Sun that your official explanation for not running the story was concern over some of my sources. That was a legitimate concern in the early stages of this effort, and I shared that concern. But as time has passed and corroboration mounts, you cannot continue to use that excuse. As I said when I first delivered this story: Forbes has become a little bit pregnant. Either it is going to birth this troublesome baby or it is going to have one hellovan abortion on its hands. The questions as to why Forbes has refused to run this story are going to mount and mount, and I have no effective answer. It is getting harder and harder to bite my tongue and refrain from disclosing the real reason this story was killed, as revealed by a certain high level official with the company: that it was Cap's doing. Frankly, it is the only plausible reason I've heard so far, and a disheartening one. This enterprise has come face-to-face with a crucial ethical problem. How it handles it will reflect for a long time not just on Forbes Magazine, but also on the man whose name is on the cover.
I sincerely urge you to reconsider and to do what is right.
Jim Norman x215
###
In conclusion, I have just one question for Mr. Jim Michaels:
Mr. Michaels: Do you really think burying this story does credit to a former member of Wild Bill Donovan's Office of Strategic Services (OSS)? I think you have one hell of an abortion on your hands.
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Hello ALL!
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***MORE INSIGHT INTO FOSTERGATE***
"Starr Investigation Targets Law-Enforcement Complicity"
By Jamie Dettmer and Paul M. Rodriguez
INSIGHT magazine: May 29 1995
An ongoing money-laundering probe, led by independent counsel Kenneth W. Starr, is churning up details of possible state and law-enforcement ties to criminal misconduct in Arkansas.
In the late 1980s during the swirl of Iran-Contra allegations about narcotics trafficking and weapons shipments, senior officer in the Arkansas State Police began a methodical operation to destroy sensitive documents linking some of the state's most prominent political and business figures to illegal activities — spin-offs from Marine Lt. Col. Oliver North's cover arms for hostages deals.
Arkansas connection to Iran-Contra were, at the time, obscured nationally. Attention was riveted on Washington, Ronald Reagan and North's manic shredding of files detailing the "enterprise" that provided arms for the release of American hostages in the Middle East and guns for the Nicaraguan Contras. Arkansas seemed a long way from the action in the nation's capital.
Until Bill Clinton ran for president, an Arkansas dimension to Iran-Contra remained ignored by mainstream news organizations and federal officials. Now though, what in the 1980s has moved to center stage. It's not just shady land deals surfacing, but widespread wrongdoing by the state politico-business establishment that behaved as though it was above the law — and with the help of police officers, was allowed to be.
The conspiracy theorist, of course, have run riot and attempted to pin all the blame for misdeeds in Arkansas on Clinton. But what slowly is unfolding is a far more complicated story of negligence, opportunism and rank exploitation by a one-party political system that bent the rules and turned a blind eye to alleged criminal activity when it was carried out by some of its own.
Enter KWS. As the independent counsel pursues the money trail of Clinton and his wife, Hillary, in a land deal called Whitewater, the inner workings of Arkansas government and law enforcement are coming under the spotlight. What KWS is finding, according to a former senior federal official familiar with the probe, is a good-ole-boy network of "corruption and obstruction" in a state seemingly awash in narcotics money — some almost certainly of Iran-Contra origin and some from more home-grown enterprises.
INSIGHT now has learned that Starr's team of more than 125 FBI and IRS agents and U.S. attorneys are investigating what appears, on the surface, to be unrelated aspects of the Whitewater deal. His investigators are delving heavily into Arkansas narcotics and homicide cases, some of which have remained unsolved for years. And what is being uncovered, according to federal and state officials who agreed to be interviewed, is layer upon layer of complicity by state and local law-enforcement agencies and a maze of allegations that has investigators widening their inquiries at every turn.
One of the most startling discoveries so far is an extensive and regular pattern of document shredding in the late 1980s on the orders of senior state police officials. According to law-enforcement sources in Little Rock, the shredded documents were federal and state intelligence records and police investigators' files on prominent Arkansans. Some, such as businessman Dan Lasater, were significant contributors to Clinton's gubernatorial campaigns. Also shredded was material on the murky drug-running and arms-smuggling operation based at the Mena Intermountain Regional Airport (see INSIGHT, Jan. 30, 1995).
The shredding, which was conducted in a tiny office in the office in the state police headquarters, was furtive and known only by a handful of officers at the highest levels in the Arkansas State Police - that is, until Starr's investigators recently received a tip. A state law- enforcement source, who spoke to INSIGHT on the condition of anonymity, says: "I was startled by what was going into the shredder. There were Lasater files and Mena files" as well as files on other businessmen with close ties to Clinton personally. The destruction of documents was at its most intense in 1988 and 1989.
Col. Tommy Goodwin, former Arkansas State Police commander, says, "I am not aware of any documents that were shredded."
Former state troopers, who in the 1980s attempted to investigate prominent Arkansas allegedly involved in the cocaine parties and drug sales, are not surprised by the disclosures of the shredding. Julius "Doc" Delaughter claims he resigned from the state police in 1988 after his superiors blocked the mounting of certain inquiries. He recalls how documents concerning other cases, such as the Lasater investigation, would turn up missing. "A deposition I took from a friend of Lasater was stolen off my desk and was never seen again," says Delaughter.
The deposition Delaughter says he secured could have proved embarrassing for then-Gov. Clinton if it had been leaked. It dealt with a cocaine party allegedly organized by Lasater in Hot Springs, Ark., hotel suite. The party hastily ended with the arrival of Clinton, who was scheduled to meet with Lasater. Lasater subsequently was convicted of cocaine distribution and sentenced to prison.
In another case, a state police captain was apparently so concerned by the regular destruction of potentially embarrassing material that he maintained for safekeeping a copy of a lengthy memorandum revealing that a Mena-based drug-running suspect was allowed to consult investigators' telephone records with the knowledge of Goodwin, who retired last June. According to the memo, a copy of which INSIGHT has obtained, the suspect a former state narcotics officer, learned from his search of the phone logs that state trooper were cooperating with the FBI agents on a probe of Barry Seal, a notorious, confessed drug trafficker who claimed, before his assassination in 1986 at the hands of Colombian hit men, to have been part of North's Iran-Contra operations.
The 10-page memo provides a revealing look into the close-knit world of Arkansas law enforcement. Written on Jan. 9, 1987, by Lt. Doug Williams (now a captain), the memo, which was sent to his superior officer, Capt. Doug Stevens, related how the suspect requested help in learning the nature of the investigations being mounted at Mena airport and into himself and his associates.
The suspect complained to Williams that the "local sheriff's office had started watching the airport." He mentioned he had visited a senior state police officer, Maj. Richard Rail, "which he did often," and that they had talked about how investigators charged long-distance calls to state credit cards. According to the Williams memo: "He [the suspect] stated that he took most of the day at the capitol building checking these [telephone] records and that the gentleman that was helping him there told him he could not copy these records; however, he could sit down with the records and make hand notes from them and that Colonel Goodwin had been advised of his being there and periodically checked back to see if he was still there and each time the colonel checked back, the man would walk in and say Mr. Goodwin just called back to see if you were still here and how you were doing."
Rules governing public access to state police phone records and credit cards should have restrained the suspect. According to Wayne Jordan, a spokesman for the Arkansas State Police, records connected with active intelligence operations and ongoing probes are strictly off-limits. Only when cases are closed, according to Jordan, are records available for public inspection; then any inspection requires a Freedom of Information Act request and approval by the head of the Arkansas State Police.
The complex events surrounding Mena-the clandestine flights of guns and drugs in the dead of night; the peculiar stifling of local investigations as well as probes mounted by federal agencies, including the IRS; and evidence of serious money laundering in the town's banks- have been dismissed over the years as having little to do with Reagan's anti-Sandinista effort and even less to do with Clinton. But Starr's investigators seem to be convinced, based on their questions to witnesses and requests for documents, that the flow of drug profits and the alleged diversion of that money into businesses in Arkansas and even into Clinton's campaign finances warrant major investigation.
In his bid to trace donations to the then governor's election coffers, the independent counsel's FBI agents have reviewed thousands of pages of case files connected to suspected narcotics operations and money laundering by reputed criminals in Arkansas and surrounding jurisdictions. Starr's investigators also begun question the Mena pilots responsible for air-dropping sturdy duffel bags full of Central American cocaine and cash at pre-arranged sites in Arkansas.
"The Feds are primarily interested in money-laundering activities," says Joe Evans, one of the pilots interrogated recently. "The questioning had to do with where the money was coming from, where the money was going. They asked me from which banks in the U.S. or internationally the money originated. They asked me how frequent were the flights and how large were the shipments."
During the interview with Evans, Starr's investigators also were interested in a mysterious and as-yet-unsolved double homicide near Little Rock in 1987 that has been the subject of considerable local controversy. Again, it is money laundering that seems to be foremost in the minds of Starr's investigators as they review the cold-case files concerning the murders of teenagers Don Henry and Kevin Ives, who were found stabbed and bludgeoned on railroad tracks along the Pulaski-Saline county line on the outskirts of Little Rock.
INSIGHT has learned that the double homicide also is the subject of a separate FBI investigation and that a grand jury has been impaneled in Little Rock to take testimony in the case. The targets of that investigation, according to sources, are a handful of suspected drug dealers from northwest Arkansas, a Little Rock prosecutor and several former members of the sheriff's departments in Pulaski and Saline counties. Two of the alleged drug dealers under suspicion in the murders were mentioned regularly in Arkansas State Police intelligence files, copies of which INSIGHT has obtained, contain raw and unsubstantiated allegations about wrongdoing by a number of prominent businessmen in Arkansas.
There have been many theories put forth to explain the murders of Henry and Ives. A persistent one argues that the teenagers stumbled upon a Mena narcotics drop site shortly before drugs were due to be unloaded. This theory appears to have caught the attention of Starr's team. Mena pilots have been asked about a drop site code-named "A-12" by the smugglers. They also have been asked about "Flight 50" — all Mena flights were numbered — which coincided with the date and time of the boys' deaths.
Starr's investigators have interviewed several convicted drug offenders in Arkansas prisons who are believed to be connected to the homicides of Henry and Ives.
Current and former members of Congress and law-enforcement officers who have looked into the Mena drug and money-laundering operations long have suspected that there was — and continues to be — complicity by people at both the state and federal levels to keep a lid on the events in Arkansas during the 1980s and early 1990s. They believe that what began under the guise of national security involving Iran-Contra blossomed into an extensive, tangled conspiracy to hide the links between Mena and non-federal corruption throughout the region.
"Starr should be investigating the Arkansas police," says a former high ranking federal official who worked behind the scenes to put together pieces of the Mena puzzle. "What is coming to light now is that there was a broad-based conspiracy to hide the truth about corruption at the highest levels of Arkansas and at the Justice Department, and it is still ongoing."
"This is about money, pure and simple," adds a federal law-enforcement official familiar with Mena, the drug conspiracies and the latest turns in the Starr inquiry.
"I could never understand why no one went down this path before," says Bill Duncan, a former IRS agent and congressional investigator who for three years tried to secure indictments in connection with Mena drug smuggling.
In a confidential memorandum to House Judiciary subcommittee on crime dated Oct. 8, 1991, Duncan wrote: "On this date I received a telephone call from Paul Whitmore concerning a conversation which he had just overheard at the El Paso Intelligence Center. Whitmore related that, just minutes ago, he heard the Central Intelligence Agency EPIC Resident Agent tell the U.S. Customs EPIC Resident Agent that the CIA still has ongoing operations out of the Mena, Ark., Airport, but that 'some other guys' are still operating out of the airport also, and that one of the operations at the airport is laundering money." Whitmore was the IRS agent stationed at EPIC, formally called the El Paso Intelligence agencies.
Duncan's memo concluded: "The CIA agent then told the Customs Agent that if the laundering of cash was a par of Customs Operations, he wasn't going to worry about it. According to Whitmore, they also discussed checking the registration of various aircraft which are currently at the Mena, Ark., Airport."
For Duncan, the memo is just one more piece of evidence pointing to "a bizarre mixture of drug smuggling, gun running and money laundering."
* Three photos accompany the article.
1. Photo of Goodwin.
2. Photo of a C-123 cargo plane at Mena.
3. Photos of Henry and Ives.
INSIGHT is a weekly news magazine published by Washington Times Corp
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