WORMSCAN: MENA0 [PART 5]
Mena, Arkansas, base of CIA drug importation.
NOTES: I made a few corrections to spellings and grammar.
I am no longer editing out the address of David P Beiter. It is an address of a place that doesn’t exist. As if his identity weren’t shrouded in mystery already.
If you missed previous parts to this part of the WORMSCAN series, you can find it here.
Date: Mon Sep 04, 1995 10:29 am CST
From: snet l
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TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762
Subject: Wall Street Journal Mena article
Frm: (Glenda Stocks) Glenda.Stocks@f707.n203.z1.fidonet.org
For: All
Org: FREEDOM USA BBS! greg.waggy@707.gigo.com **VOTE!** (1:203/707)
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* Forwarded by Glenda Stocks (1:330/201)
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* From : Greg Waggy, 1:203/707 (01 Sep 95 22:43)
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* Subj : FYI
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Hello ALL!
(1) Mon 31 Jul 95 7:44 Rcvd: Mon 31 Jul 12:57
By: nssc@inlink.com, Net 203 Gateway (203/2)
To: greg waggy
Re: Re: WSJ - INVESTIGATE MENA! (fwd)
St: Pvt Kill Rcvd
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FYI
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The Wall Street Journal — perhaps the most respected and credible source of information in the country — ran a lead editorial about the purported drug smuggling and money laundering that went on in Mena, Arkansas. The WSJ had run several Mena stories in the past, but this is the strongest piece yet. [Editorial text below.]
Over the past year and a half, I have been asked many times by people the following question: "Ken, why do you spend so much time and energy writing about this subject? Aren't these allegation ridiculous and just an attempt to discredit the president?"
I tell them that I couldn't care less whether this affects Bill Clinton or George Bush — or both of them. I just want the truth to come out and if the government was smuggling drugs into this country, I want people to go to jail. If Clinton's not directly involved, fine. Find out who was and nail them to the wall. The thought of the government (CIA) being involved with drug smuggling makes me sick. These drugs are ruining the lives of Americans. If the government is involved in any way, it's tantamount to waging war on its own citizens.
There is a huge article coming out in the next American Spectator about Mena. I will get it online as soon as possible. Meanwhile, the Wall Street Journal has just run this explosive piece. Even Rush Limbaugh has picked up the ball on Mena — he spent nearly 15 minutes on it today. Let's make a lot of noise out there and ensure that the activities at Mena are looked into.
Here's the full article that appeared in today's Wall Street Journal (7/10/95).
INVESTIGATE MENA
For more than a year we have been reporting on the mysteries of tiny Mena airfield in western Arkansas. The clouded tale of drug smugglers and spy operations in the 1980s is a potential embarrassment to the Democratic governor who ran the state and the Republicans who ran the White House. But the big story here is not primarily about who did what 10 years ago. It's about a very 1990s concern: drugs. How has our system broken down so that illegal drugs can be moved into this country on such a large scale?
This week, the American Spectator magazine adds another piece to the Mena puzzle with a story about Arkansas State Trooper L.D. Brown written by Spectator editor R. Emmitt Tyrrell. Now, the account's weakness and strength are one and the same — L.D. Brown himself. Its weakness is that it is a single-source account; its strength is that L.D. Brown is an important source. A potentially key player in the Whitewater saga, Mr. Brown corroborates part of David Hale's claim that Mr. Clinton put pressure on him for financial help.
Mr. Brown now says that while working on then-Gov. Clinton's security detail, he applied to the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), with the governor's support. Following CIA testing and an exchange of letters — supplied to Mr. Tyrrell by Mr. Brown — the state trooper claims he was contacted by Mena drug smuggler Barry Seal. Soon after, he was on two Central American flights from Mena airport aboard Mr. Seal's C-123K, running guns to the Contras. Mr. Brown, a former narcotics officer, says that when Mr. Seal showed him some cash and cocaine shipments, he quit [similar to what Terry Reed had done]. When he confronted Gov. Clinton about the drugs and money, Mr. Brown allegedly was told not to worry about it. "That's (Dan) Lasater's deal," Mr. Brown claims Gov. Clinton told him.
To be sure, Dan Lasater is a colorful figure. He ran a free-wheeling bond house in Little Rock, and was a friend and campaign supporter to Bill Clinton. In 1986, in a case that also involved Mr. Clinton's brother, Roger, Mr. Lasater pleaded guilty to a cocaine distribution charge and went off to prison for a brief stay. The federal prosecutor who handled the case was George Proctor, a Carter-era appointee who now heads the Justice Department's Office of International Affairs; Mr. Proctor's office has authority over aspects of another of our longstanding concerns, BCCI. One of Mr. Proctor's predecessors at OIA, Michael Abbell, was in the news recently when he was indicted on racketeering charges in connection with the Cali drug cartel. [Wonderful group of people!]
Our own reporting about Mena points more toward Washington than Arkansas. We want to know what the federal government knew about drugs and money flowing through the area. Our Micah Morrison has painstakingly separated fact from fiction regarding Mena and Barry Seal's involvement with the CIA, the Contras and cocaine traffic. Mr Seal, a sometime informant for the Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA), smuggled several billion dollars' worth of drugs into the country. In our October 18 story "The Mena Coverup," we detailed the short-circuiting of nine separate state and federal probes into Mena. Reliable sources in the intelligence community now tell us that in the years after Mr. Seal's death (he was assassinated near New Orleans around 1986), some activities continued around Mena: an AWACs-Patriot system was tested, CIA contract planes were repainted, and the area was included in a counter-terror exercise run out of nearby Fort Chaffee.
But the heart of Mena, we suspect, is narcotics, and on this aspect answers are lacking. Drugs? Arkansas officials wave off the question, saying Mena was a federal responsibility. The CIA blames a "rogue DEA operation;" the DEA isn't talking; the FBI says "no comment."
The betting around here is that L.D. Brown and others in the Arkansas State Police know a lot more on the matter — including what the feds were up to — than they are letting on. State police officers are starting to show up all over the Mena story. While we discount some of the more extreme speculations in self-proclaimed Terry Reed's book about Mena, "Compromised," it's important to note that Mr. Reed is making headway in Little Rock with his lawsuit against former state troopers Tommy Baker and Buddy Young; Mr. Young also served for a time as Gov. Clinton's security chief. Mr. Reed's lawyers have deposed several state troopers in connection with the case, Mr. Tyrrell says. Last year "CBS Evening News" reported that a top Arkansas State Police official played a role in derailing an early effort to advance the Mena probe.
Despite some reports to the contrary, we see no indication that Independent Counsel Kenneth Starr is investigating Mena or Mr. Lasater. Mr. Starr appears to be sticking close to his mandate to examine matters arising from Madison, the Whitewater Development Co., or Mr. Hale's Capital Management Services.
Yet Mena cries out for investigation. A congressional committee with resources, subpoena power, and the perseverance displayed by some past chairmen should look into this. If some chips fall on the Republican side, so be it. Important questions need to be answered.
Was Mena simply a remote outpost of the Cold War? Or was it a major trans-shipment point for drugs and money laundering? To what degree were government officials involved? Where did all the cocaine and cash involved in the Barry Seal operation go? Were Arkansas financial institutions involved in laundering drug money?
Again, how Mena worked is of some present moment as the U.S. continues to wrestle with illegal drugs — their use apparently on the increase again among teenagers — and the attendant corruption. Mena may provide a window into one of the big sources of this problem.
END OF WALL STREET JOURNAL LEAD EDITORIAL (7/10/95)
Posted to the Internet by
Ken Cook
7/10/95
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So Long,
Greg
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Glenda Stocks
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Date: Wed Sep 06, 1995 7:36 pm CST
From: Martin Anderson
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TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762
Subject: Fwd: WSJ re: BCCI, Mena, & Whitewater
From uwsa@shell.portal.com, a moderated Perot newsgroup.
Martin
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Date: Wed, 6 Sep 1995 19:56:20 -0400
Message-ID: <950906195617_12675225@mail06.mail.aol.com>
To: uwsa@shell.portal.com
Subject: WSJ re: BCCI, Mena, & Whitewater
I was happy to see that BCCI wasn't forgotten altogether by the media. The drug cartels have invaded our government and our banks. Will our congressmen be brave enough to have a full investigation of Mena, Whitewater and BCCI?
___________________________________
Wall Street Journal
Sept. 5, 1995
REVIEW & OUTLOOK
page A14
BCCI Opening
Because nearly everyone else has forgotten, we always have to apologize for our continued interest in the Bank of Credit & Commerce International — instead of more contemporary scandals such as Bob Packwood's boorishness or Newt Gingrich's book deal. All that BCCI represents, after all, is the prototypical 21st century criminal enterprise. A stateless entity, it ripped off depositors worldwide of $10 Billion, laundered money, corrupted governments, and consorted with terrorists and drug dealers. In the U.S., BCCI crooks somehow managed to acquire the biggest bank in the nation's capital, as well as banks in at least six other states.
The global struggle with corruption, further, is one of the most dramatic stories of our time. Money scandals have contributed to the collapse of governments in Italy, Japan and France. Drug pushers with Paranoiac pretensions influence councils of state in Colombia, Mexico, Nigeria and Thailand. Powerful criminal gangs are on the rise in Russia and China. The life blood of all these enterprises, of course, is money; the international banking system is at once particularly vulnerable to, and a potentially important checkpoint against , criminal cartels.
So we'd like to know precisely what happened with BCCI, in particular how it managed to penetrate American banking. And we do not know, at least to our satisfaction. At the head of their U.S. effort, the Arabs and Pakistanis running BCCI placed Washington icon Clark Clifford and his partner, Robert Altman, to run companies controlling First American Bank in Washington. Movers and shakers in both parties became the beneficiaries of BCCI's largesse. Naturally, this created a strong incentive to downplay the entire affair when the bank came to a screeching halt in 1991.
This effort has been a great success. When criminal charges were brought by Manhattan District Attorney Robert Morgenthau, Mr. Clifford was dropped from the case due to age and infirmity. Mr. Altman was acquitted at a criminal trial in New York; precisely why is difficult to ascertain because under curious and probably unconstitutional New York law the testimony is sealed. While various legal proceedings limped on, the journalistic community soon lost interest in murky and complex charges. Case closed, it would seem.
In the depths of August, though, came proof of the adage that it ain't over until it's over. In a civil case against Mr. Clifford and Mr. Altman and others in U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia, Judge Joyce Hen Green dismissed procedural motions to throw out charges for common law fraud, misconduct, conspiracy and racketeering. She threw out objections that the trustee bringing the action was exceeding his authority; that First American lacked standing; that the statute of limitations had run; that the plaintiffs failed to adequately state the charges against them. Judge Green turned thumbs down on all the arguments and ordered the BCCI case to move swiftly to discovery and trial.
That's big news for anyone who professes to be concerned about big-time corruption. A civil trial opens up an avenue for finally getting to the truth about BCCI. We would like to know a lot more, for example, about how Mr. Clifford and Mr. Altman got the Federal Reserve to approve the acquisition of First American by BCCI front men. There have been suggestions, for example, that the New York jury acquitted Mr. Altman because it concluded the Fed was not deceived, but knew who the true owners were.
The civil suit now headed to trial is the result of the diligence of the First American trustee, Harry Albright, with the help of Mr. Morgenthau and the Justice Department. The suit has already netted some $350 million in settlements, including $239 million from Sheik Zayed bin Sultan and other parts of the royal household of Abu Dhabi, $27 million from Kamal Adham, formerly intelligence adviser to the king of Saudi Arabia, and $10 million from Khalid bin Mahfouz, one of Saudi Arabia's leading bankers. Including the sale of First American Bank, Mr. Albright and his associates have recovered some $1.4 billion for the trust funds to repay defrauded parties world-wide.
As we keep noting, there are also numerous intriguing conjunctions between the BCCI history and the Whitewater scandal that besets President Clinton. BCCI's first attempt to acquire First American, for example, was put together in Arkansas by investment giant Stephens Inc. Jack Ryan, one of the Fed officials most involved in approving the First American acquisition, was (and still is) head of the Resolution Trust Corp. when RTC investigator Jean Lewis pressed her case against Madison Guaranty, the Whitewater S&L. And while there's no evidence that BCCI was connected to activities at Arkansas's Mena airport, both seem to have involved the same netherworld of money laundering, drugs and intelligence agencies.
Congressional committees, even under Republican control, have been leery of opening the broader aspects of Whitewater. Perhaps this is because Senator D'Amato has turned Statesman, or perhaps it's because a wider investigation would tar not only Democrats but Republicans. The GOP needs to recognize that voters disgusted with Washington want someone to clean house and let chips fall where they may, and will find somewhere else to turn if Republicans don't deliver.
Beyond Washington and outside of partisan politics, though, people like Harry Albright doggedly pursue their own duties. If we ever do learn the full story of BCCI and the rest, it will be because the diversity of our governing system gives it a profound strength.
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Date: Mon Sep 11, 1995 11:00 pm CST
From: John Q. Public
EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414
MBX: capmicro@execpc.com
TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762
Subject: John Crudele: Truck Driver May Hold Key for Starr, 9/8 NY Post (fwd)
forwarded from Mr. Ken R. Cook:
TRUCK DRIVER MAY HOLD KEY FOR STARR
by John Crudele
SOME parts of Dennis Patrick's life have been ordinary. He works construction, for instance. And he's been a truck driver.
But other parts of Patrick's life are, to say the least, different. For one thing, Patrick says there have been three attempts on his life. And for another, Patrick can produce documents that prove there were many millions of dollars in a brokerage account in his name at one time in the mid-1980s.
A truck driver with millions of dollars in assets? Patrick's explanation is simple. He claims he was a dupe in a scheme to launder massive amounts of drug money in Arkansas.
"I was never sat down and told that we were going to enter into something illegal," says Patrick in a telephone interview recently from his hideaway. Patrick says he merely opened a brokerage account at Lasater & Co., which was run by Dan Lasater — friend of the Clintons and a convicted felon — and things started to happen.
What things? Well, there was the time in October of 1985 when $2 million worth of U.S. Treasury bonds were purchased through his account. The interest alone on the bonds was $28,294.34. The delivery instructions on the bonds read, "Wire to 1st American National Bank NLR/cr 1st American LR."
This sort of thing happened over and over again. Patrick has provided me with dozens of brokerage account confirmation slips of million-dollar trades. One of the biggest, was the purchase of $11,625,000 worth of Federal Home Loan Mortgage Corp. bonds in August of 1985.
Patrick says he has already met with FBI agents about his claims. And his documents have been turned over to numerous other authorities, including Manhatten District Attorney Robert Morgenthau, who has spent years looking into the money laundering shenanigans of BCCI. And Patrick has already spoken with other members of the press, and his tale of woe has been repeated on the floor of Congress. Patrick says he has also spoken to investigators for Robert Fiske, the representatives of the former Whitewater Prosecutor who preceded the current Whitewater special prosecutor.
But the significance of Patrick's documents have so far been missed. The documents may be the key that unlocks the mystery in the drug running that seems to have been going on at the Mena, Ark., airport in the mid-1980s.
The most significant information on the trading slips, I'm told, could be the delivery instructions, like those mentioned above on the $2-million transaction of October 1985.
As I've said in past columns, current Whitewater prosecutor Kenneth Starr would like nothing more than to widen the scope of his investigation to include whatever is going on at Mena.
As my readers know by now, there have been allegations — which seem to be proving true — that the tiny airport in southwestern Arkansas was a depot through which guns were smuggled to the Contra rebels in Nicaragua and cocaine smuggled back into the United States. The most active investigation of Arkansas financial affairs at the moment is Starr's. But the connection between the narrowly-focused wrongdoing at Whitewater Development and much broader issues like Mena hasn't yet been made. So Starr, while poking around the fringes of Mena, hasn't been able to officially add the topic to his charter.
The Patrick documents obtained by The Post may provide that connection. Because bond money was sent to banks in Arkansas. Patrick's documents make a convincing case that Mena corrupted the banking system of Arkansas. And because the banking system is within Starr's jurisdiction, the prosecutor can probably get his jurisdiction extended.
While copies of the confirmation statements have been provided by Patrick to numerous authorities, none have yet made their way through official channels to Starr. But Patrick would like to provide the information to Starr, and I suspect the connection will be made in the weeks ahead.
By keeping his distance from Mena, Starr is trying to avoid the sort of problem he encountered this week when one of his indictments against Arkansas governor Jim Guy Tucker was thrown out because a federal judge (and FOB) contended that Starr went outside his mandate. The dismissal of the indictment is being appealed by Starr, and legal experts expect the prosecutor to win on some level of appeal. Working in Starr's favor is the fact that he did receive permission from the Justice Department to expand his jurisdiction in the Tucker matter. And Judge Henry Woods, who dismissed the indictments, is a friend of the Clintons.
Incidents like that one keep Starr on the straight-and-narrow.
But the prosecutor's desire to enter the Mena investigation will probably become greater because of an investigation now being conducted by the Drug Enforcement Administration in New Orleans. Sources in Arkansas and Louisiana tell me that DEA agents from New Orleans have recently been interviewing people with knowledge of the Mena operation because the government has located two bank accounts in the Cayman Islands that belonged to Barry Seal. Before he was killed in a government sting operation, Seal was alleged to have been one of the ringleaders at Mena. The DEA wouldn't officially comment. But one source in New Orleans did blurt out that "a couple" of accounts were located in the Caymans but that there was no money in them.
The people of Arkansas have been told that the accounts, which are said to have once contained hundreds of millions of dollars, were actively used even after Seal was killed.
With Patrick's documents, Ken Starr could soon steer his investigation into Mena, the Caymans or any other place that pleases him. The probe could start to get interesting and embarrassing to politicians of different persuasions.
END OF ARTICLE BY JOHN CRUDELE FOR NY POST — 9/8/95
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Date: Tue Sep 12, 1995 7:48 pm CST
From: Nationtalk Director
EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414
MBX: Wayne_Walker@rolnet.com
TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762
Subject: Do the Ends Justify the Means (and the Menas)?
Published in the American Reporter
Weekend edition: September 9-11
August 30, 1995
Do the ends justify the means (and the Menas)?
by Wayne G. Walker, Ph.D., J.D.
Lancaster, CA — As detailed over 20 years ago in The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence by Victor Marchetti and John D. Marks (1974), the CIA culture promotes the questionable belief that the ends justify the means.
As more and more evidence and allegations surface about Mena, Arkansas, CIA drug running, the massive CIA money laundering in Arkansas under Clinton's direction, the secret Swiss Bank accounts of scores of national leaders (including Vince Foster), the sale of nuclear secrets by top officials through Foster, and the turf war for control of this power between the Bush and Clinton families (played out in the 92 election), one wonders whether corrupt means may swallow the democracy the CIA is supposed to serve.
Rep. Bob Dornan recently began shouting that "Bill Clinton is the most corrupt man to ever sit in the oval office!" If former CIA agent Terry Reed's recent book, Compromised (1994), is accurate, Dornan is only partly right. Reed's allegations imply that not only has Clinton been in the center of an immense web of corruption, George Bush may be similarly culpable.
The problem with allegations made by former CIA agents is the secrecy shrouding U.S. intelligence operations. Official denial and deception is the norm. As pointed out in The Cult of Intelligence, U.S. "secrecy and deception in intelligence operations are as much to keep the Congress and the public from learning what their government is doing as to shield these activities from the opposition. The intelligence establishment operates as it does to maintain freedom of action and avoid accountability."
Because of the seriousness of the allegations and observations made by Reed, and the consistency of his narrative with accounts from other sources, such as those cited in R. Emmett Tyrell Jr.'s article "The Arkansas Drug Shuttle," The American Spectator (August 1995) and Sally Denton and Roger Morris' article, "The Crimes of Mena," Penthouse Magazine (July 1995), the allegations merit not only careful consideration, but full investigation.
The following is a brief summary of Reed's very detailed account.
According to Reed, the CIA, with Bill Clinton's full support, managed a large covert operation in Mena, Arkansas during the early 80s to transport guns and munitions to the Contras fighting in Nicaragua, and train Nicaraguan pilots to fly the munitions air-drops. Reed, a machine tool company owner, helped train the pilots and manage the operation. The CIA also used Arkansas to launder its black money. According to Reed, Bill Clinton smoothed the way for all of this in exchange for 10% of the "profits." In 1985, the money laundering amounted to millions of dollars each week.
Reed claims all of this was directed by Oliver North in the CIA and George Bush, its former director, then Vice-President under Reagan.
Reed says he was deeply involved in the move of the CIA operation to Mexico in 1986. Also, according to Reed, before the Mena operation was over, the Bush sons shipped a duffel bag of cocaine to Clinton associates in an effort to bring down the Clintons. This cocaine was distributed in part by Dan Lasater, Clinton's money laundering bond dealer, who served a little time in prison for Cocaine distribution along with Clinton's brother Roger, before both were pardoned by Governor Clinton.
In early 1986, Reed claims Bill Clinton attended a clandestine meeting at Camp Robinson, outside Little Rock, with himself, Oliver North, William P. Barr (Bush's attorney cum CIA spook and eventually U.S. Attorney General), to clean up the operational liabilities in Arkansas. Reed says that Barr informed Clinton that despite the huge Arkansas screw-ups, if Clinton would continue to cooperate, he was still on the CIA's short list for the position to which he would eventually aspire and take (ironically, or poetically, from Bush). Reed drew the conclusion that the CIA was actively engaged in manipulating the outcome of American presidential politics.
After Clinton left, Reed says North and Barr offered him responsibility for the new Mexico operation, which Reed himself had proposed, and initiated Reed into the higher echelons of deniable asset work for the CIA.
After talking everything over with his wife, Reed initially decided to decline the CIA opportunity, stay in Arkansas, build his growing machine tool business and get involved in local politics. Reed says the opportunity was still on his mind when Bill Clinton took Reed into his security van outside of a new Little Rock restaurant and strongly encouraged Reed to accept the new CIA post. Reed reconsidered and accepted.
While in Mexico, Reed set up a front company to replicate Mena's gun manufacturing and shipping operation. Before the operation was fully operational, the CIA lost a gun running C-123 over Nicaragua, causing a halt to the entire project.
Reed claims he later learned from a high level Israeli Mossad operative that Vice-president Bush had essentially conducted a silent coup to stop Reagan's anti-communist efforts in Nicaragua, and take control of the U.S. government. According to Reed, it was Bush's right-hand CIA operative who had killed the pilots and then staged the CIA crash in Nicaragua.
Reed says he soon also discovered that the CIA in Mexico was using his company name and warehouse to ship TONS of Cocaine to the US.
Upon that discovery, and with the front company and the CIA operation falling apart in the wake of the Nicaragua crash, Reed, at great risk to himself, parted with the CIA and returned to the states with his young family. Reed and his family immediately began an evasive run around the country as it quickly became clear that elements in the CIA and the Clinton Administration in Arkansas were determined to silence Reed and his wife with long prison terms or worse.
After several months, the Reeds turned themselves in, faced criminal insurance fraud charges related to the CIA theft of Reed's own airplane, and after 2 and 1/2 years in the criminal system were declared completely innocent. They are now bringing a civil suit against Clinton's former chief of security, Buddy Young, and others for (1) creating the false computer profile of armed and dangerous drug runners which led to the Reeds' harrowing flight for survival and (2) bringing the false criminal charges. The case comes to trial next month in Little Rock.
Reed's charges are consistent with operational tactics and means recounted in The Cult of Intelligence, as well as in an earlier work, The Invisible Government by David Wise and Thomas Ross (1964), and they are cumulative.
When Reed's charges are combined with the ongoing testimony of Larry Nichols of Little Rock about the Arkansas Development Finance Agency (ADFA) money laundering (3/4 of a billion dollars over Clinton's signature) and the Foster death cover-ups (Secret Service documentation that Foster was found in his car), and the allegations of James Norman, formerly of Forbes Magazine, that over 200 secret Swiss (and other off shore) bank accounts held by leading American politicians were swept clean by the CIA of over $2 billion of illicit funds during the last couple of years, the possible full extent of the corruption of the CIA and leading politicians is almost incredible.
Yet, if only half of the above allegations are supported, the U.S. is facing monumental corruption. The accounts of Norman, Reed and Nichols are compelling. Together they are chilling. But are they accurate?
Certainly, continued media silence will shed very little "direct" light on the truth of these charges. Yet, formidable obstacles block media and official investigation of these charges.
First are the secrecy laws and official "national security" reluctance to allow exposure of any details about intelligence organizations and operations. For example, according to Norman, after Forbes cancelled his Fostergate article at the last minute, he took the story to Insight Magazine. But a defense intelligence agent strongly advised the editor not to publish the article. (Media Bypass Magazine published Norman's Fostergate article in August).
Second, if Norman's sources are correct, numerous national leaders, Senators and Representatives are compromised. Indeed, the charges about secret Swiss bank accounts cast suspicion on political leaders from both major parties.
Third, Norman's sources claim the CIA has manipulated the flow of damaging information for years. They indicate that over 100 key news media executives, editors and reporters are employed or paid by the CIA to manipulate the flow of news and keep embarrassing stories out of the press. Rolling Stone Magazine reported in 1977 that the number is more like 200-400.
This allegation about the press, especially a press intimidated by the national security shield, may partly explain why the Norman story has not gotten any attention in the established media, much less further investigation, and why four credible journalists working on the Foster story, including Norman, were suddenly fired or threatened with firing or worse in the last couple of weeks.
It may also explain why the Washington Post cancelled the Denton and Morris article mentioned above, "The Crimes of Mena," after eleven weeks of fact checking and legal review, indeed after the text was laid out in final type and contracts with the authors signed in January.
If Reed and Norman are right, the thinking that the end justifies the means may have led the CIA to attempt to control both the established U.S. media and presidential politics.
The extreme seriousness of these allegations, and the dangers to American democracy which they imply, are more than sufficient reason for the press and Congress to thoroughly investigate the charges, regardless of who, or which intelligence organizations, may be damaged.
Norman's sources from the intelligence community should be given complete immunity so all of their facts can come out, including the complete list of politicians and national leaders holding secret Swiss Bank accounts which were discovered and emptied by the CIA.
In addition, the bright light of full public disclosure should shine all over the Reagan, Bush and Clinton Administrations' covert CIA and NSA operations conducted on U.S. soil, including the control or manipulation of the press, and all covert drug operations. Complete reform of the intelligence establishment is long over-due. President Truman, who established the CIA, called for just that back in 1963.
Neither covert corruption, nor official cover-ups in the name of national security, can be tolerated. Indeed, the lingering policy question is whether the ends for which the Constitution, the Republic and American democracy stand can long survive, much less justify, such means.
Wayne Walker is the host of Nationtalk, a radio talk show broadcast each Saturday over Satcom F1, Transponder 15, 7.56 Mhz. He is also the founder of the Restore Integrity in Government Coalition.
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Sent from NationTALK: Enhancing societal learning
e-mail: walker @ rolnet.com
website: http://www.rolnet.com/~wwalker/nt/nt.html
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Date: Wed Sep 13, 1995 8:16 am CST
From: bigxc
EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414
MBX: bigxc@prairienet.org
TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762
Subject: Conspiracy Nation — Vol. 6 Num. 04
Conspiracy Nation — Vol. 6 Num. 04
======================================
("Quid coniuratio est?")
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The Money Trail
By Sherman H. Skolnick
[Contact: (312) 375-5741]
[...continued...]
The bribery/blackmail of the U.S. House and Senate turned out to be a cynical exercise. The bulk of the BCCI/BNL funds, supposedly "deposited" in offshore banks, such as in Switzerland and the Grand Caymans, for the American legislators were, in fact, *stolen* *back* by the highly skilled hackers and became reportedly the basis for BCCI's reincarnation as PINNACLE BANC GROUP.
Related events:
— Vincent W. Foster, Jr., and Hillary Rodham Clinton, on behalf of the Rose Law Firm and Jackson Stephens and Worthen Bank Group, arranged for BCCI to penetrate the American market. (A related story, not mentioned by others in the popular press, was in the *New York Post*, 02/08/92.) Some are unaware that Jackson Stephens runs the largest bond house outside of Wall Street, with offices, such as in Atlanta, intersecting with BCCI and BNL.
— The five billion dollar scandal of arms for Iraq disguised as U.S. Agriculture loans through BNL/Atlanta implicated more than just George Bush. Also possibly incriminated would be Clinton's financial backers, such as Jackson Stephens. (You can see why BCCI/BNL reportedly bribed and/or blackmailed the chairman of the Senate Agriculture Committee.)
— BCCI/BNL intersects with a reputed dope money laundry spreading out in all directions, called HOUSEHOLD INTERNATIONAL and HOUSEHOLD BANK, now headquartered in Prospect Heights, a Chicago suburb. Household is the successor to the CIA front, the NUGAN-HAND BANK of Australia. Part of a RESOLUTION TRUST CORPORATION fund parked with Household International — fifty million dollars of the 58.4 million dollar fund — was secretly transferred to Little Rock, an attempted cover up of 47 million dollars stolen and/or embezzled from MADISON GUARANTY SAVINGS & LOAN, reportedly implicating Bill and Hillary Clinton.
A public access cable TV show in Chicago (run by this writer) fingered Household as the reputed money laundry for "CHINA WHITE", high purity heroin now flooding the U.S., smuggled into the U.S. through Joliet, just south of Chicago. (The DEA and Justice Department bosses — including Mark Prosperi, head of the Organized Crime Drug Task Force — confronted on this by this writer, have planted misleading stories that "China White" is being smuggled into the Chicago area by Nigerians.)
Also reportedly implicated in the "China White" smuggling into the Chicago area has been former Illinois governor Jim Thompson, more recently chairman of the 400-member worldwide law firm, headquartered in Chicago, WINSTON & STRAWN. Their District of Columbia office is headed by Foster's brother-in-law, BERYL ANTHONY, former Arkansas congressman who somehow escaped prosecution in the House Bank mess. Foster's sister, SHEILA FOSTER ANTHONY, has headed up a Justice Department section instrumental in the appointments of new federal Judges, U.S. District Attorneys, and U.S. Marshals.
Thompson has supervised CIA covert operations, reportedly including dope/gun-running money laundries, through his position on the FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE ADVISORY BOARD (FIAB).
— Vince Foster aided CIA in clandestine gold transactions through his role with a Caymans bank, going back to the late 1970s when he started as the military equivalent of a general with the NATIONAL SECURITY AGENCY — code crackers and satellite controllers and such. Foster headed up their bank spying project, spying on money transfers from and to foreign banks, including Central Banks, from 1983 to and including the time he became Clinton White House deputy counsel: 1993. While in the Clinton White House, Foster was also with NSA.
Assisting Foster with the secret gold transactions for CIA was the reputed mafia representative on the LONDON GOLD POOL. This reputed mafioso has links to top officials of the FBI counter-intelligence and the U.S. Secret Service. (Little known: the Secret Service depends on mafia people to inform the government of any "loners" plotting to harm the president and other top federal officials traveling into or through the city the mafioso resides in.) This reputed mafioso lives, naturally, a few blocks away from PINNACLE BANC GROUP's flagship, First National Bank of Cicero. His influence and links are reportedly through the Archbishop of Milan, Italy, reportedly his cousin. A sideline of his reportedly was peddling stolen FOOD STAMPS — some food stores, exempt from U.S. Treasury regulations on ten thousand dollars or more deposits of cash having to be identified, sometimes deposit mysteriously large amounts of food stamps in a bank instead of cash — food stamps in pristine condition apparently never handled by usual eligible recipients.
Foster's widow, Lisa, heavily medicated by mood-altering PROZAC (claimed by some to cause dangerous side effects and memory loss), recently made the statement that she examined various transactions of her late husband for the six years prior to his death. According to published accounts: "She went through all his files, putting together a list of names for all his phone calls and logging his American Express records for six years to rebut *allegations of secret Swiss accounts and CIA-sponsored drug smuggling*." (Emphasis added.) Strange, but the popular press never previously referred to those allegations. See: Chicago Tribune, 09/04/95, page 3, Sec. 1.
Question: Is someone heavily medicated by PROZAC a credible, dependable witness? Some experienced trial attorneys greatly question Lisa Foster's credibility under the circumstances that there may be a high-level cover up of the details of her husband's violent death — a cover up that she may not be in a position to rebut or combat.
Question: Did Lisa Foster know that her husband's body was handled by a mortuary with reported links to the Defense Department and CIA? The mortuary reportedly specialized in handling sensitive situations where CIA covert operators were murdered in the U.S. or overseas.
The money trail, linking to several of the foregoing situations, was reportedly covered up by ROBERT CESCA, once acting Inspector General for the U.S. Treasury. Some contend Cesca is the highest ranking mafia representative in the United States.
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Mr. Skolnick is founder/chairman, Citizens' Committee to Clean Up the Courts, since 1963. Since 1971, editor, HOTLINE NEWS, recorded message, on 24 hours/day, (312) 731-1100. Since 1991, regular panel member on "Broadsides", popular public access Cable TV Show, Chicago. Office (8 a.m. to midnight): (312) 375-5741. 9800 So. Oglesby, Chicago IL 60617.
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I neither necessarily agree nor disagree with either all or portions of the preceding. Persons mentioned are invited to send their rebuttals, of reasonable length, to bigred@shout.net for probable distribution.
— Brian Francis Redman, Editor-in-Chief
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O what fine thought we had because we thought | bigred@shout.net
That the worst rogues and rascals had died out. | Illinois,
— W.B. Yeats, "Nineteen Hundred And Nineteen" | I'm your boy.
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No one could possibly write a Spy Novel this good. It’s to the point where it’s unfathomable. People who don’t think this world is the Devils Playground really need to read this in its entirety.
Awesome read. I love how you put all this together. Amazing how a lot of our ex President are involved in this corruption!