WORMSCAN: FOSTER0 [PART 8]
Concerning the demise of Vincent Foster, Jr. Some dare call it suicide.
NOTES: I made a few corrections to spellings and grammar.
If you missed previous parts to this part of the WORMSCAN series, you can find it here.
Date: Tue Oct 31, 1995 12:04 pm CST
From: snet l
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TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762
Subject: FBI Dog Sniffs Vince Foster's Car
Jim Norman's essay forthcoming in *Media Bypass* (1-800-4-BYPASS), entitled "Apocalypse Soon!" notes:
"The FBI apparently also knew that Foster's life was in danger: On the day of his death, an intelligence source says FBI agents used a bomb-sniffing dog to inspect Foster's Honda in the WhiteHouse parking lot."
The articles also notes with respect to CIA director John Deutch:
"Sources say it was the brazenness of Foster's assassination — apparently arranged by someone inside the White House and rumored to have been carried out by Mossad agents — that has soured CIA professionals and has prompted them to consider going public with what they know. Adding to their frustration was the resignation of reform-minded CIA director James Woollsey last year and his replacement by John Deutch."
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Date: Sun Nov 05, 1995 11:25 pm CST
From: snet l
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TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762
Subject: Ambrose et Vince (fwd)
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Date: Mon, 06 Nov 95 04:19:19 0600
Subject: Ambrose et Vince
Washington Notebook: Another mad week in DC
By Ambrose Evans-Pritchard
IT WAS not my intention to return to the theme of Vincent Foster so soon, but the astounding developments of the last few days cannot pass without comment.
The Telegraph has tracked leads that suggest a possible link between Arab interests and the mysterious death of the deputy White House counsel. We also have an indication that the CIA played a role in the immediate aftermath of the death, something that has never been disclosed before.
The rush of events began two weeks ago when we published the story about a witness, Patrick Knowlton, along with an artist's sketch of a potential "suspect" observed at Fort Marcy Park, Virginia, on July 20 1993. We pointed out that Mr. Knowlton had never been called before the federal grand jury, nor had the other key witnesses.
The response was swift. Within days the subpoenas were flying. The FBI turned up at Knowlton's apartment in Foggy Bottom last Thursday week armed with a grand jury subpoena.
Then the madness began. That evening Knowlton and a friend noticed that they were under surveillance as they walked around the artistic quarter of DuPont Circle. Men cut in front of them, they claimed. They were followed. They were given menacing looks. It smacked of witness intimidation.
Knowlton called me up late that night in a state of agitation. I drove over to take a look, but all was quiet. There was no sign of a stake-out. The next day, however, it happened again. This time he was accompanied by Christopher Ruddy, an investigative reporter for the Pittsburgh Tribune-Review, who says that he saw a surveillance operation that must have involved as many as 30 people. Several of the men had a Middle Eastern appearance.
Could it be that he was one of the stringers used from time to time by the National Surveillance Team?
Our conclusion was that somebody was clearly so worried about Knowlton — and what he might say to the grand jury — that they were willing to take a huge risk to shut him up.
Knowlton and Ruddy snapped some photos and wrote down the registration numbers of two cars that were engaged in an obvious attempt to intimidate. It turns out that both cars are owned by young Arabs living in the Washington suburbs of Northern Virginia.
Just to be certain that we had found the right people, we paid a midnight visit to one of the owners at his rented house near Langley. Two Arabs came to the door and Ruddy recognized them instantly as the driver and passenger of a white Honda that had trailed them.
Knowlton, further back in the shadows, said he recognized the driver at once. To our surprise, the license plates were clearly displayed in the parking spot in front of the house, but they were now attached to a different car — what seemed to us clear evidence that they had been up to mischief.
We chatted on the doorstep. One of the Arabs — let us call him Ayman — did all the talking. The other just stared at us. Ayman, 31, claimed to have a doctorate in economics from Oxford (the university in fact has no record of his name). He said that he was from Jordan, which I do not believe either. He denied any involvement in the surveillance of Knowlton. But he paled when we told him that we had photos of the goon squad.
Ayman had the air of a man who had been contracted to do some low-level harassment and now found himself way out of his depth. But who was he working for in the first place? The intelligence service of an Arab government? An organized crime cartel? Or could it be that he was one of the stringers used from time to time by the National Surveillance Team, a US government outfit that likes to use foreigners and part-time reservists? And why would any of these have a stake in covering up the circumstances around the death of a quiet lawyer from Little Rock, if that is what happened?
The idea that the US government could have been orchestrating this crude intimidation campaign is too grotesque to contemplate. But somebody was doing it, and it is hard to believe that the government was oblivious. Perhaps US counter-intelligence has been watching it from the beginning, waiting for the right moment to pounce on the criminals. I hope that is the case. And what of the CIA? Up to now there has been nothing to link the agency to Foster's death, but The Telegraph has a tape-recorded exchange involving two of the staff at Raley's Towing, the company that towed Foster's car to the Park Police headquarters after his death. A driver can be heard in the background saying that Foster's car was taken to the CIA.
"That would have gone to Park Police headquarters," said one of the staff, when asked about Foster's Honda.
"No, it went to the CIA and then went to headquarters," said the driver.
"Oh, it went to CIA first?"
Raley's Towing refuses to elaborate. In fact, it now says that it will divulge information only if compelled under a subpoena. So we do not know why they made this excursion to the CIA.
Perhaps there is a banal and innocent explanation. But then again, perhaps not.
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Date: Wed Nov 08, 1995 12:49 pm CST
From: snet l
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TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762
Subject: (fwd) What Arab Connection? (fwd)
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Arabs?? What Arabs are you bunch of conspiracy freak kooks babbling about? Isn't there any bizarre fantasy you bunch of nuts won't believe? :)
George
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From the Wall Street Journal, March 1,1995
by Micael Morrison
Who Is David Edwards?
As the lens of "Whitewater" pans from tight focus to full panorama of Bill Clinton's Arkansas, no more intriguing Friend of Bill appears than Edwin David Edwards.
Not that there is any suggestion that Mr. Edwards played a role in the Whitewater land development or Madison Savings & Loan, or any evidence of anything illicit where the Little Rock investment adviser has been involved. But Mr. Edwards keeps popping up, both as one of the president's oldest friends, and as a symbol of the Saudi Arabian links that loom large on Razorback terrain.
Mr. Edwards has been a Friend of Bill since at least 1968, when he briefly shared an apartment in England with Mr. Clinton and Strobe Talbot, the current deputy secretary of state. He vacationed with the Clintons on the Riviera, according to "Off the Books" by Robert Hutchison (William Morrow, 1986). Mr. Edwards was instrumental in the Saudi contribution for a Middle East studies center at the University of Arkansas announced just after the presidential election. He was on hand for the president's emotional departure from Little Rock for Washington (see the rendering of an Associated Press Photo). On a visit to Little Rock the weekend before the suicide of Deputy Counsel Vincent Foster, the president spent a four hour dinner alone with Mr. Edwards.
A Mysterious Investor
Mr. Edwards and his brother Mark now run their own Little Rock investment placement firm, Edwards Brothers. While Mr. Edwards refused repeated request for interviews for this article, his principal client appears to be a mysterious Jidda investor, Abdullah Taka Bakhsh, who at one time owned nearly 10% of Little Rock's Worthen Bank. Before leaving to form their own firm in 1990, both brothers worked for Stephens Inc., the powerhouse Arkansas investment firm that handled the brokerage when Middle Eastern front men for the Bank of Credit and Commerce International made an early attempt to buy First American Bank in Washington D.C. While at Stephens, Mr. Edwards also played an important role in securing an offshore drilling contract in Bahrain for Harken Energy Corp., on whose board sat George W. Bush, presidential son and current governor of Texas.
If only as a matter of curiosity, David Edwards is a Friend of Bill worth a few moments of attention. The tales of the university donations and the Harken deal are particularly interesting.
Much of Mr. Edwards tenure at Stephens was devoted to the investment firm's European and Middle East operations, though his precise role is murky.
In 1989, officials of the University of Arkansas at Fayetteville approached Jackson Stephens, the billionaire head of Stephens Inc. and a university board member, for help in raising funds for international studies. Mr. Stephens referred them to his employee, Mr. Edwards, say university officials. Mr. Edwards quickly turned to his Saudi contacts, including Mr. Bakhsh. Two executives associated with the investment firm say Mr. Edwards brought the low-profile Saudi to Stephens in 1987.
Reported in this newspaper and the BCCI book "False Profits" by Peter Truell and Larry Gurwin, say Mr. Bakhsh was a co-investor in Saudi Arabia with alleged BCCI front man Ghaith Pharaon. Khalid bin Mahfouz, another BCCI figure and head of the largest bank in Saudi Arabia, was Mr. Bakhsh's banker. University of Arkansas officials say Mr. Edwards sought to involve Mr. Bakhsh in a project to create a Middle East studies center at the school. In a letter to a university official, Mr. Edwards said he would bring the reclusive Saudi to Fayetteville to talk "about designing a simple mosque somewhere on campus."
In a written statement, Mr. Bakhsh's attorney, Paul Meyer of Rogers & Wells, noted that the Saudi financier "was not involved in any way in any of the matters or transactions, that constituted the BCCI scandal." Mr. Meyer added that Mr. Bakhsh "was not a participant" in Mr. Edwards' funding effort for the University of Arkansas.
When the Edwards brothers departed for their own firm, they took the university project with them. But friction was increasing between David Edwards and the university. The globe-trotting investment advisor claimed several hundred thousand dollars in Saudi travel expenses, says a university official. Others at the school found Mr. Edwards abrasive manner and pro-Arab bias inappropriate for an academic setting. In a letter to university officials written less than a month before the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, Mr. Edwards commented on rising tensions in the region and complained that "we are giving our money to the Israelis to do what we tell them not to do."
Gov. Clinton, university officials say, was an enthusiastic supporter of the project, and Mr. Edwards worked closely with him — on at least one occasion conducting business from the Governor's Mansion, according to a document obtained by the Journal. But Gov. Clinton may have had some Saudi resources of his own. Mr. Clinton was a Georgetown University classmate of Turki bin Faisal, the current head of Saudi intelligence.
Sources in Arkansas say Mr. Clinton's famous networking skills also put him in contact with Prince Bandar bin Sultan, the Saudi ambassador to the U.S. University of Arkansas officials participated in a Clinton-Bandar meeting in the spring of 1991, when they and Mr. Edwards joined the governor in delivering a request for a major gift to the ambassador. According to a 1991 gubernatorial disclosure statement, Mr. Clinton and Prince Bandar also were together on June 23, when they traveled from Aspen to Little Rock on a jet leased by the Saudis.
Despite such contacts, no progress in raising money was made until Gov. Clinton received the Democratic presidential nomination. One month later, Mr. Edwards handed an anonymous lead gift to the university of $3.5 million for a Middle East studies program. Individuals familiar with the gift say it came from the Riyadh Chamber of Commerce. According to the Cyprus-based Arab Press Service, the gift was approved by Saudi Arabia's King Fahd at the recommendation of Prince Turki.
Under Mr. Edwards's direction, and despite some objections from University of Arkansas officials, the unusual gift was transferred to a university account in the form of Treasury bonds. The resulting confusion was the last straw for university officials. They insisted that Mr. Edwards withdraw from the project. Curiously, documents obtained by the Journal indicate that extra bonds were delivered to the university, with a face value of $3.5 million promised and $3.9 million delivered. A financial administrator at the university says that "excess bonds" were put in the account by a mistake in the electronic transfer "and they were returned."
One month after President Clinton's inauguration, Arkansas Gov. Jim Guy Tucker announced that Prince Bandar had delivered a $20 million gift to the University of Arkansas.
A few years earlier, Mr. Edwards provided import help to a company linked by family ties to then Vice President George Bush. In 1987, Mr. Edwards and Mr. Bakhsh rode to the rescue of Harken Energy, a struggling Texas oil company that included George W. Bush on its board. Harken's web of Middle East connections was detailed in a 1991 Wall Street Journal report. Stephens officials, including Mr. Edwards, came up with an unusual arrangement to help cash-poor Harken; Union Bank of Switzerland would give the oil company a $25 million cash infusion in exchange for stock. UBS, the Journal noted, was not known as an investor in small U.S. companies and was a joint-venture partner with BCCI in a Geneva-based bank.
When UBS began to hit regulatory snags, it decided to unload its Harken stock. Stephens brought in a new buyer; Mr. Bakhsh. The Saudi tycoon ended up with a 17% stake in Harken, and his American representative, Chicago businessman Talat Othman, wound up with a seat on Harken's board. By August 1990, Mr. Othman was attending White House meetings with President Bush to discuss Middle East policy. Mr. Meyer, who serves as attorney for Mr. Othman as well as Mr. Bakhsh, says the Chicago businessman was invited to the meetings only because of his "longstanding involvement in Arab-American affairs."
In April of 1989, the government of Bahrain was looking for an oil company to explore its offshore holdings. According to a 1990 article in Forbes, the Bahrainis turned to Houston oil consultant Michael Ameen, a former head of governmental relations for Aramco. Mr. Ameen, the Journal noted in its 1991 report, is another "BCCI notation in the Harken story." As a top Aramco official, Mr. Ameen "had close-up dealings for years with the Saudi royal family and its advisers," including Kamal Adham, a BCCI principal and former head of Saudi intelligence, Mr. Ameen also reportedly is close to Mr. Bakhsh.
Mr. Ameen and Harken officials did not respond to interview request. But according to Forbes the Bahrainis called Mr. Ameen, looking for a small company that would give them full attention. Mr. Ameen said he didn't know of any. By coincidence, Mr. Ameen's friend David Edwards called 10 minutes later on an unrelated matter. Mr. Ameen mentioned his problem, Mr. Edwards mentioned Harken.
Mr. Ameen negotiated the Bahrain deal, earning $100,000 consulting fee. George W. Bush says he opposed it. "I thought it was a bad idea." Gov. Bush said recently, because of Harken's lack of expertise in overseas and offshore drilling. Gov. Bush added that he "had no idea that BCCI figured into" Harken's financial dealings.
In June 1990, Mr. Bush sold some 60% of his Harken stake for about $850,000, earning a handsome profit. In November 1993, he resigned from Harken's board, four months later, his successor was named; Michael Ameen. Harken has yet to discover any oil off Bahrain.
Mr. Bakhsh appears to have been pleased with Stephens's investment strategies. From February 1989 through October 1993, he purchased more than one million shares in the Stephen-controlled Worthen Bank, paying more than $10 million for 9.6% of stock, according to Securities and Exchange Commission disclosure statements. Mr. Bakhsh's attorney says he no longer is a Worthen shareholder.
Mr. Bakhsh has a wide range of U.S. investments, concentrated mainly in apparel, energy, real estate and financial services. In November, the Chicago Tribune reported that Mr. Bakhsh's First Commercial Financial Group, a commodities brokerage firm, was forced to shed its customer accounts after capital shortfalls and customer complaints. Mr. Bakhsh owns First Commercial through Dearborn Financial Inc., an investment company run by Mr. Othman. Their attorney, Mr. Meyer, says that First Commercial was completing the final phase of its long-term strategic restructuring plan by transferring its customer accounts to other firms. Mr. Meyer says that Mr. Edwards was not involved in Dearborn and First Commercial.
Mr. Edwards, though has long been familiar with complicated financial transactions. In "Off the Books," financial journalist Robert Hutchinson details Mr. Edwards's central role in a Byzantine tale of international banking and currency trading. In 1975, Mr. Edwards, then a Citibank junior executive in Paris, accused a senior currency trader of taking kickbacks and raised questions about the offshore parking of foreign-currency transactions. In order to avoid European taxes, Mr. Edwards charged, Citibank was booking fake transactions through its Bahamas branch, concealing them through a series of coded telex messages and other methods.
A Long Investigation
The "Edwards Affair," as it became known, lasted until 1983, entangling the SEC, Congress, and regulatory officials of six European countries. It concluded with the senior Paris trader cleared of the kickback charges and Citibank paying minor fines and back taxes in several countries. Following a long investigation, in 1982, the SEC declined to take steps against Citibank.
By that time, Mr. Edwards was long gone. In one of his first as head of Citibank's International Banking Group, Thomas Theobold fired Mr. Edwards in 1978, saying that Mr. Edwards was unable "to provide any substantive, factual corroboration of the allegations." Mr. Edwards responded by going to the SEC and filing an ultimately unsuccessful $14 million wrongful dismissal suit.
Citibank officials are bitter about their eight-year wrestling match with Mr. Edwards and worry that he may now be serving as an unofficial adviser to the president. "We fired him for being a lousy trader and he got back at us," says a former top Citibank official. "The next thing we hear, he's down in Arkansas. Wherever there's a smell rising from the river, Edwards seems to turn up."
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Date: Wed Nov 08, 1995 4:55 pm CST
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Date: Wed, 08 Nov 1995 17:38:27 -0500 (EST)
From: KALLISTE@delphi.com
Subject: part 34: allegations re vince foster, the nsa, and bank spying
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Allegations Regarding Vince Foster, the NSA, and Banking Transactions Spying, Part XXXIV
by J. Orlin Grabbe
Is the death of Yitzak Rabin the final nail in the coffin of the cover-up of the murder of Vince Foster?
Perhaps, because the agents of Ariel "the Butcher of Beirut" Sharon are said to be in disarray. Will there be a changing of the Mossad guard?
For years Sharon has been the pre-eminent spymaster conducting espionage against the United States. Sharon ran Rafai Eitan who ran the Jonathan Pollard spying operation. More recently, Sharon ran agents who interacted with Hillary Rodham Clinton and Vince Foster.
Whether these agents were actually involved in the hit on Vince Foster is a matter still under investigation. But there is no question of their active participation in the cover-up of Foster's murder.
An undocumented Israeli driving a stolen truck recently attempted to run one Foster investigator off the road. Fortunately, someone shot out the truck's front tire, and it jackknifed across the interstate. The Israeli driver ended up with a broken neck while the investigator was unscathed.
The Mossad's most valued asset in the U.S., Sharon's man in Chicago, is said to have fallen down and scratched his knee. The Mossad's man in Brooklyn, who normally orders the hits, is said to have received a visit describing the advantages of returning to Israel. The Mossad's man in Miami spontaneously departed on a long vacation.
Which brings us to the subject of the Mossad team, three men and one woman, all identified, who were recorded on video-tape exiting the front entrance of Vince Foster's Washington apartment the afternoon he died.
[to be continued]
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Date: Wed Nov 15, 1995 8:39 am CST
From: snet l
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TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762
Subject: American Spectator Article on Fostergate
cardo@well.com (Richard Clark) wrote:
> Ambrose Evans-Pritchard makes a number of interesting points in his recent article in The American Spectator (Nov. '95). Evans-Pritchard is the Washington correspondent for the London Sunday Telegraph who has been covering this case very closely. Among his findings:
> 1. Even though Foster's wife told the New Yorker that the gun found in her husband's hand was his own gun, this flatly contradicts her original statement to the Park Police, whose report states: "She was presented with a photograph of the weapon that was found with Mr. Foster's body, but was unable to identify it." The hand-written notes of the Park Police detective say "not the gun she thought it must be." She had been expecting it to be the "silver, six-gun, large barrel" revolver that Vince had brought up from Arkansas. It wasn't.
> 2. Yes, Foster had powder burns on his fingers, but these powder burns were of a kind, and in a position on his fingers that would have required Foster to have had both his hands wrapped around the cylinder of the pistol when it was fired, a virtual impossibility if he committed suicide.
> 3. Two veteran New York city homicide detectives who performed their own two-month investigation of the Foster death concluded that there is a high probability that Foster's dead body was transported to Ft. Marcy Park. Among other things they cite the various small lines of trickling blood which indicate that Foster's head had been in at least four (4) different positions, after the moment of death. They also point out that anyone who walks the 700 foot-long path from the parking lot to the spot where Foster's body was found, ends up with quite a bit of dust and dirt on their shoes. Except for some mica, Foster's shoes were absolutely clean.
> 4. Foster's autopsy report was made by Dr. James Beyer. Beyer has done a lot of work for military intelligence agencies in the past. He has also pronounced as suicides several cases that later turned out to be homicides. Beyer's report states that there was a huge exit wound in the back of Foster's head, a blown-out opening in the skull that measured 1" by 1.25". Yet isn't it strange that no one else saw such a wound? Not the paramedics who arrived at the scene, not Sgt. George Gonzalez who stated in his deposition that he "didn't see an exit wound," not Corey Ashford (one of the rescue workers) who helped put the body in a bag for transport to the morgue. In fact, Ashford said there was virtually no blood to be seen, and no exit wound. His colleague, Roger Harrison did not see any blood, either. Not on Foster, nor on any of the people who handled his body. Officer Richard Arthur, who filed a homicide report, did not see an exit wound, either. And how about the first MD to view the body, at the scene. His statement to the FBI reads, "No blood . . on the vegetation around the body." (Question: How does one blow a rather substantial hole in one's head, with a high-velocity bullet, and leave no blood & brain spatter? According to medical pathologists, this is impossible.) Re: the exit wound, Haut told the FBI it was very small, consistent with a small, low-velocity bullet. Dr. Haut then recalled a case in which a much more devastating wound had been caused by a weapon of smaller caliber than the one that was found in Foster's hand. So what do the X-rays reveal about the exit wound?
> 5. Dr. Beyer signed his autopsy report with a check indicating that X-rays were taken. He is also quoted in the Park Police report as saying that X-rays were taken. But now, strangely, there are no X-rays available! And Dr. Beyer now says, conveniently, that no X-rays were ever taken, because "the machine was out of order." Yet official records dispute this contention.
> 6. With shit like this staring him in the face, is it any surprise that lead prosecutor Miguel Rodriguez resigned in protest? Rodriguez also said that he was prevented from pursuing critical leads. He said that Deputy Independent Counsel, Mark Tuohey made it clear to him that a quick ruling of suicide was required. Rodriguez also reported that he found he could not trust the FBI to do their job: After the FBI lab had told him that a particular set of photos of the death scene were unusable, Rodriguez sent the film to a private laboratory, which had no trouble enhancing the photos. And what did these photos reveal? They revealed very clearly that the gun in Foster's hand had been moved around, after the Park Police arrived at the scene! Rodriguez was also able to obtain crystal-clear copies of photos showing a wound on Foster's neck, after the FBI had led him to believe that only very blurry photos of the neck existed. Rodriguez' boss, Mark Tuohey eventually resigned.
> 7. Senator D'Amato has issued subpoenas for Trooper Perry and White House nanny, Helen Dickey. While at the governor's mansion in Little Rock, Perry swears he received a phone call from Dickey at 6 p.m. informing him of Foster's death. He then told several other people, including the Governor's wife, who may also, eventually, be subpoenaed. But Dickey now says she did not learn of Foster's death until 10 pm. White House officials say they did not find out until 8:30 p.m. What the hell is going on here? Why all the subterfuge? When White House phone logs are subpoenaed, it should be interesting.
> Richard Clark